Thursday, August 13, 2015

In Malaysia, Myanmar's Refugee Children Go to School in Fear


Fleeing prolonged conflict and persecution in Myanmar, hundreds of thousands of Rohingya Muslims or Christian Chin find themselves living as refugees in neighbouring countries in Southeast Asia.

In Malaysia alone, there are an estimated 150,000 asylum seekers or refugees, mostly from Myanmar. A third of them are not registered with the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

Amongst them are thousands of unregistered school-aged refugees, who aren't allowed to attend public schools in Malaysia. Many of them resort to going to informal or community-run schools, where they live in constant fear of being arrested or harassed.

According to a video called ‘In Search of Shelter’ produced by Myanmar refugees in Malaysia, at a school catering to 360 Chin refugees, only 40% of the students are registered with the UNHCR. According to a Chin community leader in the video:


Students not registered with the UNHCR cannot get any exam recognition from the government or enter university. They also face security problems when they come to school and (travel) in between. Those aged 13, 14, 16 have been arrested many times.

In Search of Shelter is part of a 13-video series that aims to highlights the plight of the migrant worker and refugee community in Malaysia. The series called Crossroads aimed to teach migrant rights activists video production and distribution skills and was produced in collaboration with EngageMedia and Citizen Journalists Malaysia.

In the series, asylum seekers share how they've united and combined resources to establish access to basic services like health clinics and primary schools for their children. They also share the many hurdles they face in getting registered as refugees with the UNHCR in Malaysia.

In Search of Shelter, community leaders explain that many of the teachers in the school they have set up have been arrested by the police due to their lack of legal status.

Malaysia, which has stated that it will not sign the UN convention on refugees, also does not have any legal framework for national asylum and does not distinguish between refugees and undocumented migrants, leaving refugees at constant risk of detention, deportation and abuse.


There are currently an estimated 150,000 refugees from Myanmar in Malaysia. Source: EngageMedia

At one of the community screenings of Crossroads held in Malaysia, the organizers found that 80 to 90% of those present have had personal experiences being harassed by the police or faced problems with permits and employers. One member of the audience pointed out that there have been incidences where even if they produce their registered refugee card or supporting letter, the document was simply torn up by the authorities that had approached them.

An undercover investigation by Al-Jazeera in 2014 revealed that some refugees pay up to $1,000 for official refugee status in Malaysia, as part of an illegal trade allegedly involving the UN Refugee Agency itself.


Migrant children from Myanmar at a United Nations advocacy event in Malaysia. Source: EngageMedia

With continued reports on acts injustice and exploitation committed against refugees in Malaysia, it remains to be seen how its government and the UNCHR will effectively address this grave and growing situation.

https://globalvoicesonline.org

Wednesday, August 12, 2015

Rumour leaves 1,000 disappointed at UNHCR office



False information spread by phone suggested they could obtain immigration cards if they applied for it today.




KUALA LUMPUR: A rumour circulated via phone calls and text messages brought more than one thousand immigrants to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) building in search of immigration cards.

The rumour that immigration cards would be given to those who applied for it today was spread last night prompting hordes of foreign men, women and children from all around the country including as far as Terengganu and Johor Bahru to make the trip to the city to put in their application papers.

“This is not a demonstration, they have only come here based on a rumour and as you can see the situation, it is quite calm,” a UNHCR representative said.

The immigrants who had appeared outside the UNHCR building had started gathering there as early as 12am this morning and at the time of reporting, had refused to disperse.

According to a security officer the group was small enough at first but swelled shortly after to about one thousand.

Those gathered were forced to leave by security personnel at 8am but attempted to come back in at 11am.

Some immigrants came to renew their existing immigration cards while others came to apply for new ones. However UNHCR refused entry to all of them.

“Its unfortunate that they wasted their time and money coming here,” said the representative, adding that an official statement by UNHCR would be issued soon on the matter.

Will Myanmar Refugees be Sheltered or Stranded in Malaysia?




Fleeing from prolonged conflict and persecution in Myanmar, hundreds of thousands of ethnic minorities find themselves living as refugees in neighbouring countries in Southeast Asia. In Malaysia alone, there are an estimated 150,000 refugees from Myanmar, with possibly a third of them being not being registered with the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

In 2013, to highlight their stories and those of other migrant communities, EngageMedia began collaborating with Citizen Journalists Malaysia (CJMY) on Crossroads, an advocacy video project to teach migrant rights activists video production and distribution skills. 'In Search of Shelter' is part of the collection of 12 videos that were produced, and highlights the plight of the Myanmar refugee community in Malaysia.


In the video, asylum seekers share how they've united and combined resources to establish access to basic services like health clinics and primary schools for their children. However, they also face many hurdles related to the difficulties in getting registered as refugees with the UNHCR in Malaysia, such as how many of the teachers in the schools they set up are themselves arrested by the police due to their lack of legal status.

Malaysia, which has stated that it will not sign the UN convention on refugees, also does not have any legal framework for national asylum and does not distinguish between refugees and undocumented migrants, leaving refugees at constant risk of detention, deportation and abuse. An undercover investigation by Al-Jazeera in 2014 revealed that some refugees pay up to $1,000 for official refugee status in Malaysia, as part of an illegal trade allegedly involving the UN Refugee Agency itself.


At one of the community screenings of Crossroads we held in Malaysia, we found that 80 to 90% of those present have had personal experiences being harassed by the police or faced problems with permits and employers. One member of the audience pointed out that there have been incidences where even if they produce their registered refugee card or supporting letter, the document was simply torn up by the authorities that had approached them.

With continued reports on acts injustice and exploitation committed against refugees in Malaysia, it remains to be seen how its government and the UNCHR will effectively address this grave and growing situation.

Camp Chindwin participants showcase their talent and creativity during the Short Film Lab activity. The resulting videos are a mix of hilarious and serious videos that give a glimpse of the environment and feel of the camp.

One of the most fun activities we did in Camp Chindwin was to have a Short Film Lab in the morning of the third day. The participants were grouped into eight teams and were tasked to plan, shoot, edit and submit short films in two and a half hours. The teams were given carte blanche as far as the topics were concerned. The resulting films was a testament to the talent, skill-level and creativity that abounded in the camp. More than that, the short films gave a snapshot of what life and times in Camp Chindwin was like. Team 6 did a film about the participant's impressions on the camp, capturing footage as the other teams worked on their short films. One of the teams did a short feature interview with Ju Ju, the woman who cooked all the meals for the camp venue. The interview, which was conducted in Burmese, tackled how Ju Ju found herself working at the Bago Centre. The team even managed to subtitle the edited video into English within the time frame!Another team did interviews with the staff that the centre, focusing on the ecological values of the venue. Yet another team captured the "wild life" in Camp Chindwin with a short film about the insects at the venue. One team did a short silent action film about one of the camp "rules": if you're late for the sessions, you either sing or dance (or both). The use of stop motion animation, one of the expertise of one of the participants, was a clever way to get "dialogue" in.Using finger puppets, one of the teams paid homage to the the "unofficial" Camp Chindwin song -- The Banana Song.Group 2, shot and edited an instructional video on coffee-making entirely on an Android phone.

The last short film was about the "myth" (that the team invented and propagated themselves) about what it means to see a snake in Bago.

All of the short films were screened during the closing of the camp.

The Short Film Lab was such a fun exercise, and I'm really glad that we did it. It was much-needed break from the discussions and technical skill sharing sessions, and provided the participants another way to work together.



Camp Chindwin, our Southeast Asia Video Camp, brought together over 30 video activists, citizen journalists, and filmmakers in Myanmar in June this year, and I'm still trying to digest all the excitement from finally seeing it happen, and the reflections I've had afterwards.

As an activist and artist from Singapore, I've been using video in my work for over 10 years now, while closely following social movements from across Southeast Asia through video. From the ongoing struggles of garment workers in Cambodia, to the tragic modern history of Indonesia and the Philippines, to the mass public demonstrations held in neighbouring Malaysia, video has always been central to how I've come to understand the region and found inspiration to work for change within my own country, which, as of this year, would have spent 50 years under one-party rule and a state-controlled mainstream media landscape.

Through my work with EngageMedia over the years, I've come to meet fellow activists from the region with similar concerns and doing similar things, which has helped me build strong ties of affinity that last till today. EngageMedia has organised three previous regional gatherings, namely, Transmission, an Asia-Pacific video and technology camp in 2008, and Camp Sambel I and II, which were Bahasa-language video camps in 2010 and 2012. And while we've built a good network of video activists, I wasn't able to know if we'd gotten to the point of building a movement ― something I began thinking more about after thesecond global convening of the global Video for Change network, where I was asked to present a regional report on the "State of the Movement" in Southeast Asia.


In many ways, Camp Chindwin is a key step we're taking from maintaining a network, to building a movement. And one of the reasons it came at the most perfect time is the prevalence and reach of online video (and other forms of media) today, alongside state propaganda and oppression.

During a discussion at Camp Chindwin, a participant shared that in his country, average citizens, even in their 50s, are so disillusioned with the mainstream media that they want to buy smartphones with mobile internet plans to obtain independent information. This struck a chord with most of the participants of the camp, in whose countries the mainstream media is predominantly state-run or subject to heavy censorship.

Although Internet penetration rates have been steadily increasing in Southeast Asia (and there are still places where you can't even get a phone signal), in the past two to three years I've noticed a marked increase in the number of people from low-income groups, including migrant workers, who've acquired smartphones and affordable mobile internet.

As more members of the public find it easier to access alternative information online, activists, filmmakers, citizen journalists, and independent media organisations have come to find it easier (or perhaps more encouraging) to focus on producing and distributing video content. The frequency and extent of the video content that we are able to share today has meant that we are that much more able to assess the impact of our work.

Eight years ago, my colleagues in the region surely knew how to produce the videos that they currently are, but the questions often were, "How long would it take to upload, and how long would it take for someone to watch it? How many people would actually watch this, and how would I know they did anything about it?". For most of us, gone are the days of publishing one video every few months to be viewed at 240p, and wondering what happened to it after.

In Myanmar, media organisations such as Irrawaddy have been producing video discussions on topics ranging from ethnic conflict to media freedom ― topics the mainstream media would never discuss in depth or in detail. Other organisations including Mizzima, Kamayut Media, and Democratic Voice of Burma have all been publishing several videos daily. This too, is a far cry from back during the time of theSaffron Revolution, where footage for the award-winning film Burma VJ had to be secretly shot and smuggled out of the country. Today, the film can be viewed in its entirety on YouTube from within Myanmar.

Of course, these developments also have to do with the recent "opening up" of political spaces, but that did not happen in a vacuum. Increased access to online content has granted the people here access to a freer market of ideas, the ability to hear everyone's stories and tell their own, and spurred many to participate in public action. These actions, which include forums, rallies, and demonstrations, are being continuously documented on video and being put back online, growing awareness and activity in an upward cycle. It's a movement.

Hot under the collar from the pressure of this movement, the governments of Southeast Asia, including monarchies, military juntas, political dynasties, and pseudo-communist regimes which make up the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), are trying to find a balance between having absolute control and losing it entirely. They evidently still haven't found a delicate way to do it, as critical films continue to be banned, film screenings raided, online videos blocked and taken down, and video makers arrested.

And as video is still seen as one of the most threatening forms of media by authoritarian entities, I believe that video must also still be one of the most effective forms of communication for social change.

Most of my conversations with Video for Change makers at Camp Chindwin and beyond have reinforced my view that this entire region is now in a state of social and political flux, for better or worse. In countries where even a one-person demonstration is a chargeable offense, the Internet opens up a world of possibility. And we've got this powerful tool, video, which we now have much greater means to produce and distribute, so what are we going to do with it?

In that regard, aside from the all the brilliant sharing of skills and engaging discussions that I witnessed at Camp Chindwin, the most important aspect of the event was that it brought us all to ask that question, together, and to begin to realize where and how we fit in this hopeful or volatile time.

Solutions for Malaysia’s long-suffering refugees – Aslam Abd Jalil



In order to solve the many and far-reaching problems faced by refugees in Malaysia two potential solutions need to be considered immediately.

The first is the formal registration of all refugees.

Supposedly, the UNHCR refugee card, giving to those registered with the UN body, acts as identification for refugees in Malaysia and is meant to protect them from arrest.

However, it is often reported that refugees are still vulnerable to arrest and detention even though they hold these cards. This is because the refugee card has no legal value under Malaysian law.

In November 2014, in an initiative funded by the Australian government, the Malaysian government agreed to issue refugee cards to more than 137,000 Myanmar nationals registered with the UNHCR.

Although this move should be applauded, the policy should not discriminate between refugees based on their country of origin, particularly as there are many more in Malaysia from countries like Sri Lanka, Somalia, Syria, Palestine, Iraq and Afghanistan.

These refugees face the same risks as refugees from Myanmar if they have no proper documentation that is legally recognised.

In addition, making a distinction between refugees in Malaysia is clearly a breach of Malaysia’s international obligations to provide protection to anyone who has well-founded fears of persecution regardless of their country of origin.

From the refugees’ perspectives, having proper documentation and identification means a lot, especially if they have never been formally recognised as citizens or legal persons in their own homeland – like the Rohingya in Myanmar or Hazaras in Afghanistan and Pakistan.

And with the issuing of identification cards, it is hoped that refugees would have some, although limited, access to basic services like ‘informal’ employment and healthcare.

Malaysia currently has a comprehensive registration system for its millions of citizens. There is no doubt that Malaysia could extend this registration system to all refugees in the country who number less than 200,000 and not just refugees from Myanmar.

With access to this system, refugees in Malaysia would no longer need to live in fear of arrest and detention, while authorities could monitor and enforce immigration rules more easily.

The second potential solution for Malaysia’s current refugee challenges is the incorporation of asylum seekers into the nation’s labour force through formal work rights.

Malaysia hosts a significant and rising number of semi-skilled and unskilled foreign workers. In 2014, official data recorded that of a total 6 million foreign workers, only 2.9 million were legal.

The reliance on cheap foreign workers of course needs to be reviewed. However, in the meantime, refugees’ skills and resources can be utilised by giving them the right to work (something which they currently don’t have).

The available potential human resource refugees represent will be wasted if they are not allowed to work. If given proper training and work permits, refugees would contribute far more to the economy than what they do at the moment.

In 2013, the Malaysian government announced that it would issue work permits to refugees living in Malaysia. The then Home Minister Ahmad Datuk Seri Zahid Hamidi also said that plans to provide training and jobs had been devised by the Ministry of Home Affairs in cooperation with UNHCR and the Immigration Department.

However, to date no work permit has been issued. And since there is no possibility of a work permit, refugees are mostly involved in the informal sector of Malaysia’s economy.

This in turn erodes the wages of both foreigners and locals because underpaid and exploited refugee workers give downward pressure on the overall wage level.

In another interesting development, Malaysia’s courts also seem to be on the side of the country’s asylum seekers when it comes to the right to work. In the 2013 case of Ali Salih Khalaf vs Taj Mahal Hotel, the Industrial Court Kuala Lumpur, ruled that Ali Salih Khalaf was unjustly dismissed and that refugees are protected under the Industrial Relations Act 1967.

This was on the basis that no human being should ever be illegal, and that refugees also need to have the means to earn a living for themselves in order to survive.

Finally, if asylum seekers are given employment rights, they will become self-sufficient and this means that they do not have to rely on charity. Work rights also give them some level of dignity, as it means they have the capabilities to both contribute to society and to be independent.

Even though Malaysia is not a signatory to the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol, that does not mean that nothing can be done to protect the country’s refugees. The UNHCR representative in Malaysia, Richard Towle once asserted that the ratification of the convention is the ideal goal, but there are other areas that can be looked at in managing refugees.

With the recognition of refugee status through formal registration, Malaysia’s immigration personnel could easily identify who are refugees, avoiding any arbitrary arrests among this vulnerable group of people.

Employment rights on the other hand will be a good initiative to enable refugees to be incorporated into and contribute productively to the economy. This also means that refugees could be independent, and have a greater say and way of ensuring their survival in this foreign land. – New Mandala, July 6, 2015.

*Aslam Abd Jalil is a graduate of the Australian National University and a refugee rights campaigner. 

* This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insider. 

- See more at: http://www.themalaysianinsider.com

Wednesday, August 5, 2015

Angelina Jolie, patron of Myanmar refugees, shakes hands with general who once tormented them



BANGKOK, Thailand — When Angelina Jolie was first building up her bonafides as a globe-trotting humanitarian, she looked to refugees who’d fled Myanmar’s brutal army.
That was 2002. Jolie knelt in bamboo huts with victims of a decades-old jungle war. In camps along the Thai-Myanmar border, she said her LA friends fretted she’d “come back needing therapy.” Still, she declared that “there’s a fight to be had ... to look after each other and right wrongs around the world.”
How times have changed.

On July 29, Jolie flew to Myanmar’s capital. She was greeted by a man on the other side of that still-burning jungle war. He is an ex-general named Shwe Mann who gained notoriety by leading bloody strikes along Myanmar’s eastern border — the same sort of offensives that created the refugee camps that Jolie visited.
Now that ex-general, one of Myanmar’s most powerful figures, is posting photos on Facebook of Jolie grinning by his side.

This unexpected turn of events is emblematic of modern Myanmar’s abrupt image makeover. Not so long ago, the West regarded Myanmar (also called Burma) as a tyrannical state controlled by men such as Shwe Mann. 

Leaked US documents report that “like most Burmese field commanders, Shwe Mann utilized forced civilian porters, including women and children, on a massive scale during operations against Karen insurgents” in the late 1980s.

The Karen are a mountain-dwelling ethnic group in Myanmar’s east. Along with smaller ethnic groups, they fill up a string of refugee camps that Jolie has repeatedly visited. Some of them may be unnerved to see one of their most famous advocates shaking hands with someone who led sweeping attacks on their native lands.

“With all of these army people, retired or active, many of us feel we can never trust them. Not after what they did to us,” says Paul Sein Twa, a former refugee who now runs an organization titled Karen Environmental and Social Action Network.

“I don’t follow (Jolie’s) agenda closely,” he says. “But generally, our perspective is that helping refugees by going through government channels is very controversial.”

Hanging with ex-generals was not the purpose of Jolie's visit. She came as an ambassador with the UN Refugee Agency to meet “displaced people and youth” and tour a refugee camp in Myanmar's war-torn Kachin State near the border with China. 

And she is hardly the only prominent person glad-handing with Shwe Mann. 

In March, he scored an invite to the White House. Despite the 68-year-old's dark history, some Western diplomatic circles see him as a leader respected by hardliners yet capable — if given the chance — of speeding up Myanmar’s metamorphosis from tyranny to a freer nation. He’s also considered a front runner for the presidency in an upcoming election, which is promised to be the first legitimate poll in decades.

From a nation condemned and sanctioned, Myanmar is now depicted by the White House as an inspiring turnaround story. Hillary Clinton, who credits herself with speeding this reversal, has said it’s “sometimes hard to resist getting breathless” about Myanmar's progress.

But Myanmar remains mired in poverty, dysfunction and authoritarianism. Most Western diplomats are sticking to an optimistic refrain: holding hands with Myanmar’s powerful inner circle is worth the rewards — even if that means engaging with men who have bloody pasts.

By smiling alongside Shwe Mann, Jolie appears to be chiming in with that refrain.

http://www.globalpost.com

Friday, July 31, 2015

UNHCR presents first draft of Myanmar repatriation plan




Karen refugees at the Mae Surin refugee camp in Khun Yuam district in Mae Hong Son province on March 13, 2013. (Photo by Thiti Wannamontha)

BAAN MAE PA CAMP, TAK — The UN refugee agency unveiled a draft plan this week detailing how to carry out the voluntary repatriation of 110,000 refugees residing in this province’s camps, drawing mixed reactions from their leaders.

Thailand currently has more than 110,000 refugees from Myanmar residing in nine camps along the border. Open for more than 30 years, recent talks of repatriation has sent shockwaves through the camps as refugees remain wary about Myanmar's nominally civilian government. There are still reports of fighting within various parts of Myanmar, including Karen state, where the majority of the refugees are from.

The draft document, titled Operations Plan for Voluntary Repatriation, was presented by Iain Hall, senior coordinator for the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, during a closed-door meeting to roughly 70 camp leadership members on Tuesday, along with relevant NGOs,Democratic Voice of Burma reported on Wednesday.

Held every three months, this meeting is for various stakeholders working on refugee issues along the border to air their concerns and needs.

This plan comes at the heels of a Strategic Roadmap for Voluntary Repatriation, released earlier this year, which deals more generally with the principles of the voluntary return of refugees, should they choose to take that step.

The operations plan presented on Tuesday provided more details to facilitate the return, such as transportation logistics, helping people with specific needs (like children, elderly, and those who are disabled), and ensuring voluntariness among refugees.

Blooming Night Zan, the joint general-secretary of the Karen Refugee Committee, which oversees camp management in seven of the border camps, said in a terse e-mail that the KRC does not intend to help UNHCR with the operations plan. Her main concerns were that "(the KRC is) not involved or participating in it, and it is not ours," she said in the email.

Bweh Say, first secretary of KRC, struck a more conciliatory tone. "We do have a little bit of worry because first we talked about the strategic roadmap and now we are moving towards an operations plan," he said. "But we do trust UNHCR because I think it is important to know where we are going and what is in our future."

"Our concern is more about how the camp management will figure in the operations plan," he added, reiterating that KRC's policy on repatriation is that it should only happen when there is a signed national cease-fire agreement and "genuine peace."

Luiz Kaypoe, first secretary of the Karenni Refugee Committee -- which oversees the two Karenni camps in Mae Hong Son -- agreed, though he thinks the plan comes a little too soon.

"At the same time, they are following the plans of both governments -- the Thai and the Burmese -- because after the election, if something happens and the refugees are given the green light to return, [the UNHCR] would like to catch up on that," he said, referring to Myanmar's national poll scheduled for Nov 8.

"For us, we are not very sure about the strategy yet, but when they present the plan it's a little bit concerning for us," he added. "We don't want them to push the refugees."

Mr Hall, the UNHCR senior coordinator who presented on Tuesday, explained that this came about because the UNHCR has had specific questions in recent months on what should be done if a refugee were to decide to voluntarily return. He declined to provide the specifics, saying that it is only the first draft.

"We've been saying for the last two or three years it's too early to do planning, but in the last six months, people have been talking more and more and we've had specific requests, so we said 'Let's start planning'," he said. "UNHCR made very clear yesterday that if refugees don't feel comfortable about the planning, then we will stop."

Mr Hall added that just because there is a draft plan does not mean that repatriation is imminent. "Even if we complete the document in the next six months, they might not go home for the next six years," he said.

"We don't know -- it doesn't depend on our plans; it depends on peace and politics, and there's no peace," Mr Hall said. "But if there is peace, and politics sort itself out, we will need to be ready if the refugees start to decide when to go home."

Patrick Kearns, the chair of the Committee for Coordination of Services to Displaced Persons in Thailand -- a joint organisation made up of 19 NGOs working on camp issues -- said that the general consensus among the camp leadership, the UNHCR, and NGOs is that the time now is not appropriate to consider a large-scale return. That being said, Mr Kearns believes that it is important to begin planning should refugees choose to return on their own.

"The consistent message is nobody is in a hurry to have a finished document," he said. "But there is a necessity now to start to address these questions to begin looking at what the needs are."

http://www.bangkokpost.com

Thursday, July 30, 2015

Angelina Jolie takes her human rights crusade to Burma


Angelina Jolie takes her human rights crusade to Burma: Hollywood star and UN special envoy shakes hands with the president before meeting refugees and political prisoners on south east Asia tour 
  • Angelina Jolie Pitt arrived in Burma straight from Cambodia this morning
  • It has a horrific human rights record and brutally oppresses opposition 
  • Personally invited by former political prisoner Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
  • She hopes to shine a light on human rights, sexual violence and democracy 



Angelina Jolie today met the President of Burma as part of a trip to meet high-ranking officials and the victims of a country with a poor human rights record and a history of political unrest.

It's her first visit to the country and is part of a tour of south east Asia in her role as a UN special envoy, promoting human rights, and as part of work to counter sexual violence worldwide.

She was personally invited to the troubled country by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the opposition in the dictatorship, who was put under house arrest by the Government for a total of 15 years. Jolie visited her during the trip.





Rare meeting: Un Envoy Angelina Jolie shakes hands with the president of Myanmar, Thein Sein, at the presidential palace earlier today. She hopes to shine a light on human rights abuses and sexual violence

Angelina said: 'I am looking forward to meeting with many people including women’s groups, civil society, displaced people and youth, to learn firsthand from them about their concerns and hopes for the future of their country.

'With elections on the horizon in November it is an important moment for people to exercise their democratic rights and help to address the fundamental issues critical to a peaceful future.' 

This morning she arrived in the country, also known as Myanmar, and met President Thein Sein and high-ranking members of the military government at the presidential palace.

Sources close to Mrs Jolie Pitt said she used the opportunity to talk about prominent issues in the country, including sexual violence, a lack of transparency and child soldiers.

But she will also be visiting members of the political opposition and will carry out field visits to displaced people in Myanmar’s conflict-affected states.

The source, who has been travelling with the UK special envoy party, said that Burma is one of 130 nations that signed up to an agreement to address sexual violence as part of the Preventing Sexual Violence Initiative.

Yet it has taken no concrete steps to address the issue and lags behind countries such as Somalia, the Central African Republic and Kosovo, who admit to having problems but are making better progress.

The source says addressing sexual violence is high on her agenda, as she is dedicated to stamping out the use of 'sex as a weapon' in conflicts.

Between now and Saturday, when she leaves Burma, Mrs Jolie Pitt will also visit members of the political opposition, who have been severely oppressed over the years, and refugees.

She will meet local people who are working on human rights and inter-faith relations, and groups carrying out projects to promote women’s rights, voter education and participation ahead of the forthcoming elections. 




Arrival: As well as high-ranking members of government, she will also be visiting members of the political opposition and will carry out field visits to displaced people in Myanmar’s conflict-affected states

Human Rights Watch says that the President's Cambodian People's Party has made often violent attempts to silence political opposition and has a history of taking political prisoners.

The Government controls the judiciary which means people have no legal recourse to the oppression, according to Human Rights Watch, and protest has been made illegal.

But it is hoped that Mrs Jolie Pitt's unique status as a non-Government party will help 'shine a light' on the country's problems in a way other organisation's can't.

The source said: 'She will be telling senior figures that they have similar interests, and if they truly want to become a democratic country, the onus is on them to address these problems.

'It is an amazing opportunity to get into Myanmar which not everyone gets so Angelina will be using it to meet as many different groups as she can and try and open a dialogue on these issues.'

Angelina Jolie Pitt has been following the situation in Myanmar closely since her first visit to Myanmar refugees in Thailand in 2002, and many subsequent visits to the region to focus on these issues.

She arrived in Burma from Cambodia, where she was visiting health, education and conservation projects funded by the Maddox Jolie-Pitt Foundation since 2003.

She was beginning preparations to direct the film First They Killed My Father based on a child’s experience of the years of turmoil in the country.

Angelina and husband Brad Pitt adopted their son, Maddox, in 2003. He is originally from Cambodia.

During her visit to the country, she reportedly told reporters Maddox is her son but also 'a son of Cambodia'.


Rights groups condemn Malaysia’s human-trafficking upgrade ‘to ease TPP’




In May, mass graves of Rohingya refugees and Bangladeshi illegal immigrants were found in the village of Wang Kelian, Perlis, along the Malaysian-Thai border. Rights groups say Malaysia has failed to suppress trafficking despite the United States upgrading its human-trafficking status. – The Malaysian Insider file pic, July 29, 2015.Human rights groups have roundly criticised Malaysia’s upgrade to the so-called "Tier 2 Watch List" status from Tier 3 in the annual report on human trafficking, reports the BBC today.

The United States upgraded Malaysia in an annual report on human trafficking on Monday despite calls by human rights groups and nearly 180 American lawmakers to keep the Southeast Asian country on the list of worst offenders in failing to suppress trafficking.

Malaysia's improved rating on human trafficking was an affirmation of the country's efforts to address the issue, newly appointed Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi was quoted as saying by the New Straits Times today.


Rights groups said the decision removed a barrier to President Barack Obama's 12-nation Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement, which contained an anti-trafficking clause.


Malaysia is one of the TPP parties.

On Monday, the State Department said while Malaysia did not fully meet minimum standards to eliminate trafficking, it was making significant efforts to do so, citing a proposed strengthening of anti-trafficking laws and a more than doubling in trafficking investigations.

In May, mass graves of Rohingya refugees and Bangladeshi illegal immigrants were found in the village of Wang Kelian, Perlis, along the Malaysian-Thai border. The village was described as a hotbed for people smugglers.

Phil Robertson of Human Rights Watch told the BBC that convictions for trafficking were lower than last year and, citing the mass graves as an example, adding that trafficking and abuse of migrants were still done "with impunity".

"How can the State Department call this 'progress'? This upgrade is more about the TPP and US trade politics than anything Malaysia did to combat human trafficking over the past year," he was quoted as saying.

Workers’ rights group Tenaganita said with only “three traffickers convicted for forced labour, corruption at its highest level and the existence of policies that continue to suppress the migrant and refugee communities in the country”, it was “baffled” over the reasons for Malaysia’s upgrade this year.

It said the US government made 14 recommendations to Putrajaya in its report last year but “very few recommendations were followed through”.

Confiscations of passports, it said, remained a huge area of concern with employers often advised by agents as well as government officials to withhold the passports of their workers.

The non-governmental organisation also highlighted the issue of forced labour in the palm oil industry.

The BBC also reported US-based Alliance to End Slavery and Trafficking as saying the upgrade "lacked credibility" and accused the US of "allowing political interests to influence how governments are held accountable".

A group of 25 rights groups have also sent a joint letter to Secretary of State John Kerry supporting the move to retain Thailand in Tier 3. Bangkok has been accused of not doing enough to stem the Rohingya migrant crisis, which saw thousands fleeing Myanmar for Thailand. – July 29, 2015.

- See more at: http://www.themalaysianinsider.com

Monday, July 27, 2015

72 indicted on human trafficking charges in Thailand




72 indicted on human trafficking charges in Thailand.Picture: Getty Images

Seventy-two people, including an army general, were Friday indicted in Thailand on human trafficking charges.

According to the Office of the Attorney General (OAG), the suspects were involved in a ring that smuggled Rohingya refugees from Myanmar through Thailand to Malaysia and Indonesia.

“The investigation shows this is a big network that had a system for transporting people through the country,” said Wanchai Roujanavong, an OAG spokesman, at a press conference.

“The OAG are treating this case very seriously.”

Among those indicted by the OAG are Army General Manas Kongpaen, four policemen and powerful local politicians who Wanchai say will also be charged with negligence of duty.

The network came to light last month after investigators discovered mass graves of Rohingya refugees at a trafficking camp in southern Thailand.

The ensuing outcry led the government to crack down on human trafficking networks, sparking a humanitarian crisis with thousands of migrants being stranded in boats off Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia.

The Rohingya say they suffer discrimination in predominantly Buddhist Myanmar, which does not recognize them as one of the country’s official ethnic groups, and considers them illegal Bengali immigrants.

The OAG say that as many as 30 more suspects are still at large.

DPA

Source : http://thenewage.co.za

Shahidan says refugees must go through Immigration, not UNHCR



KUALA LUMPUR, July 25, 2015


Minister in the Prime Minister's Department Datuk Seri Shahidan Kassim has expressed his disappointment at the number of Rohingya refugees in the country who only aim to get UNHCR cards without going through Immigration. — Reuters/Antara Foto pic

Immigrants that enter the country must go through Immigration and not just aim to get their refugee cards from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).

Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Datuk Seri Shahidan Kassim expressed his disappointment at the number of Rohingya refugees in the country who only aimed to get UNHCR cards without going through Immigration.

“The Rohingyas that enter the country without their passports will be categorised as illegal immigrants (PATI), but they end up going to the UNHCR office to get their refugee cards without the knowledge of the Home Ministry,” he said at his Hari Raya open house function today.

He said if the matter continued, Malaysia would be the main destination for those who flee their countries.

“The cost of RM6.50 a day is also being absorbed by the Home Ministry and their presence is a burden.”

He said Malaysia on humanitarian grounds allowed these people to stay in the country temporarily before they were deported back or to another country.

“We must remember that UNHCR card holders enjoy privileges like unrestricted movement and free from being detained unless involved in crime.

“They are also not deported unless they volunteer to go back.

“According to UNHCR statistics, as of April 30, there are 152,832 refugees in Kuala Lumpur from 23 countries.

Of these, refugees from Myanmar were the most at 138,775, and 45,170 of them were Rohingyas.

Friday, July 24, 2015

Refugee students learn life’s lessons

Close to the Burmese-Thai border, young Karenni refugees study desperately to gain acceptance into universities worldwide. But with talks of repatriation echoing through the camps, it’s unsure how long they are to stay there.

It’s 9am on a Tuesday, and the usual noisiness that accompanies school mornings rings out across the village of Do Ki Ta.

Ranging in age from late teens to early twenties, the students of the Karenni National Community College (KNCC) make their way from the Burmese refugee camp of Ban Nai Soi, located on the Thai side of the eastern Burmese border, to their classrooms.

Some have walked for an hour and a half to get to school. Others have come on motorbikes, a 45 to 50-minute journey across muddy, uneven roads which are dangerously flooded during the monsoon season.

Lucky students like 20-year-old Nyereh are housed in one of the college’s few bamboo hostels dotted about the village. But now that Burma’s ethnic rebels are in the final stages of signing a ceasefire agreement with government, talks of repatriation are echoing through the refugee camps along the border, and it is unsure how long they can remain there.


Nyereh flicks through his workbook, quickly revising before class starts. (PHOTO: Melanie Keyte).

Like many others, Nyereh’s family fled his home in the eastern state of Karenni (also known as Kayah) when he was a small child to escape the ongoing conflict between the regional ethnic group, the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), and the Burmese army, a seemingly never-ending civil war that has taken a huge toll on the local population for generations. Like many others, they are now under pressure to return to the home they were forced out of.

Since the 2012 announcement of a ceasefire agreement between the KNPP and the Burmese military, those displaced by conflict have been ordered to return to their home villages.

However, many of the students say this is impossible.

“I want to help my community back in Karenni, to give back to them once I am educated,” Nyereh said.

“But we can’t go back to Myanmar [Burma]. We have no food, no land, no home. And no peace.”

Similar to numerous other ethnic armies across the nation, the KNPP has been fighting government forces since Burma’s independence in 1948, causing mass displacement of Karenni people for nearly 70 years.

Ariana Zarleen, a co-founder of Burma Link, an agency which aims to empower Burma’s ethnic nationalities and displaced people, said that as genuine and lasting peace is currently nowhere in sight, outside agencies should not be discussing refugee return.

“Any repatriation taking place in the near future is likely to lead to involuntary return, either directly or indirectly through cutting off aid,” she said.

Most recent figures from The Border Consortium (TBC), a non-governmental organisation dedicated to providing support to refugees along the Thai-Burmese border, say that 11,546 people are sheltering at the Ban Nai Soi camp, with 95 percent being of Karenni ethnicity.

According to TBC’s data, some three to four percent of the Ban Nai Soi camp population has been repatriated to Burma since 2012, including more than 4,600 refugees who returned in 2014.


Muyein’s English class is silent, as students concentrate hard on their work. (PHOTO: Melanie Keyte).

Duncan McArthur, TBC’s Partnership Director, said that while there may be an increase in refugee return this year, movements are likely to remain tentative.

“The general consensus amongst international observers is that conditions are not yet conducive for an organised and large-scale voluntary return of refugees,” he said.

“Although there has been a significant decrease in fighting, the peace process is yet to address the underlying causes of insecurity and injustice.”

While McArthur hypothesised that the upcoming elections may mean more opportunities for the potential return of refugees to their homeland, he remains wary of the risks associated.

“There is also a risk of further reductions in humanitarian aid for refugees if donor governments focus on the democratisation process and ignore the complexities of resolving ethnic conflict and displacement,” he said.

McArthur’s predictions are aimed into the future, but the Karenni college is already feeling the effects of this push for repatriation.


Elizabeth (Mimar) dreams of her small college being recognised as a proper university. (PHOTO: Melanie Keyte).

KNCC founder Mimar, commonly known as Elizabeth, explained that as fighting dies down in their home states, Ban Nai Soi’s youngsters are encouraged to move back to Burma and continue their studies there. Their refusal to do so means students’ graduation certificates from KNCC are no longer recognised in Burma or Thailand.

“They say Myanmar is safe now, and we don’t need a school here anymore, so this education does not count. Now, to study further, our students need a Thai or Burmese high school certificate,” she said.

“Students must try harder to earn scholarships internationally, but this is very competitive. Many students are losing motivation to study, because their graduation certificate won’t count.”



Loki, one of the college teachers, helps a student with her classwork. (PHOTO: Melanie Keyte).

This is not to say that the community college’s only goal is to get their students into university. KNCC also aims to equip young people with skills to develop their communities back home, should they return to Burma.

In addition to the standard mathematics, science and English courses, students take classes on ‘active citizenship’, which discusses the need for everyday people to engage in the nation’s political sphere, as well as social and community development.

According to Elizabeth, these lessons are particularly important as it seems increasingly likely that graduates will have to return to Burma once they have completed their education at KNCC.

“We want to give the students education so they are able to contribute to their community, in working with a non-government organisation or running their own [social development] projects,” she explained.

“They gain more confidence at college, and want to help their communities, but we still have doubts about the peace and safety in Burma. We don’t see many things changing.”

Indeed, this is the consensus coming from most of the young adults and teens at KNCC. Whilst many retain a cautious optimism that the political situation in Burma is improving, realities such as continued landmine usage, arbitrary detention of ethnic villagers and vicious crackdowns on public dissent keep the students wary of any so-called ‘reforms’.


KNCC students must study English, mathematics, social studies and basic computer skills in addition to other electives. (PHOTO: Melanie Keyte).

By the end of 2011, which is the most recent estimate given by the Landmine and Cluster Munition Monitor Myanmar, more than 3,240 people had been killed or injured by landmines since recording began in 1999, predominately in Shan, Karen and Karenni states.

In December 2014, the Karenni Civil Society Network reported an increase in Burmese military outposts, personnel and arms, and accused the army of confiscating over 3,000 acres of farmland to build a military school.

Furthermore, as Burma Link’s Zarleen points out, conflict has escalated in northern Burma in 2015, a fact entirely contrary to talk of peace and safe return.

“At the moment, the Burmese military is waging a war and committing war crimes in northern Burma,” she said.

“As long as the fighting is happening and the Burmese military uses brutal tactics targeting civilians in any part of Burma, it is only a matter of time until these same atrocities are brought back to other parts.”

Understandably, TBC’s McArthur said, the ongoing militarisation of rural villages by Burmese government units somewhat undermines refugee confidence in returning to their homes.

TBC believes if refugees are able to make informed choices about their return, and are consensually repatriated, they can make significant contributions to the recovery of their conflict-affected communities in their home states.

Regardless, Komeh, a 19-year-old student in her final year of study at KNCC, said a return to Burma does not feature in her future plans.

“I want to go to Chiang Mai [in Thailand], and study further there,” she said.

“Then, maybe I will come back here to be a teacher. In Burma, we cannot get a good education, and we have many problems with [a scarcity of] teachers here, so I want to help.”


In the college hostels, teens and young adults cook their own dinners using fresh produce from neighbouring farms. (PHOTO: Melanie Keyte).

Aspirations like these help Elizabeth’s dream of a fully-functional university inch closer to realisation. With more teachers and international recognition she hopes to open up the world to students graduating KNCC.

“We need this education, to keep our language, our culture and our communities. And of course to give our students a better and a different future to what they might have had,” she said.

But for the time being, said Elizabeth, all the college needs is for other countries to recognise her students’ graduation certificates so these young adults can move on from the Ban Nai Soi refugee camp, and continue with their lives.

The tuna in your sandwich might be the result of slave labor in Thailand



By Nidhi Prakash

Refugees fleeing Myanmar are being forced to work in Thai fisheries, which then export their products to countries like the United States and the U.K., an investigation by the Guardian revealed today.

The latest report by the Guardian found that Rohingya refugees from Myanmar are forced into slavery on Thai fishing operations. Since 2012, some 10,000 Rohingya have been displaced as the Myanmar government cracks down on the Muslim minority in the west of the country, according to Human Rights Watch.


“The Rohingya refugee crisis is a man-made crisis and it’s designed on purpose to court anti-Muslim sentiment and groups inside Burma as part of the regime’s campaign to try and win some kind of support for the [November] elections,” Simon Billenness, executive director of the advocacy group U.S. Campaign for Burma, told Fusion.

The refugees are held captive by traffickers who either pick them up when they’re desperate and on the run by boat, offering shelter and dry land, or abduct them from refugee camps in Myanmar. They’re then held for ransom and face a grim future on a fishing trawler when their families can’t pay.

“When men or boys [held in traffickers’ camps] are unable to pay…to secure their freedom they are often sold to fishing boats for use in slave labour. This has been happening for decades. It’s a situation in the Thai fishing sector that’s been going on since the ’90s, at least as far as we can tell,” Matthew Smith, director of Bangkok-based human rights group Fortify Rights told the Guardian.

The Guardian first broke the story of exploitation in Thai fisheries last year, when it uncovered slave labor practices at Thai fisheries producing shrimp that ended up in supermarkets in the U.S. and the UK., including Walmart and Costco. More recently, the Associated Press found similar practices in Indonesian fisheries, with some of the products imported for Kroger, Albertsons, Safeway, and Walmart.

In response to the investigation, representatives for Walmart and Costco said they were taking action to make sure their suppliers stopped using slave labor. Walmart signed up to Project Issara, a coalition of retailers and non-profits working to put an end to slavery in Southeast Asia.

America imports around 90% of its seafood, according to Fishwatch, a National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration initiative. In 2013, that added up to 2.4 million metric tons from farmed and wild caught seafood.

But how can we tell if the seafood we’re buying is from one of these slave labor fisheries?

It’s hard to pin down the exact supply chain, the Guardian found, especially with this most recently uncovered slave labor from Burma. There’s no publicly available direct breakdown of which fisheries are supplying U.S. companies, or which companies import from Thailand and Indonesia.

Getting seafood importers to declare their sources and guarantee that slave labor is not used would be a step in the right direction, Billenness told Fusion–but that’s something that’s only going to happen if consumers (that’s us) care enough to do something about it.

He says we should think about not just boycotting products we suspect might have come from slave labor fisheries, but actually reaching out to the company and government in charge.

We should be “asking those companies and asking those governments, ‘what are you doing to make sure that this doesn’t happen in the future?’ Simply not buying something doesn’t send that kind of direct message,” he said.

http://fusion.net

Sunday, June 28, 2015

Dear Barack Obama, Refugees From Myanmar Need A Place To Live

By Carrie Goldman, June 3, 2015 at 2:51 pm


My eight-year-old daughter pushed away the plate of eggs without even taking a bite.

“I’m not in the mood for eggs,” she whined.

She had asked for eggs five minutes earlier. Annoyed, I told her, “There are kids who would give anything for a fresh hot breakfast. Kids who are starving as we speak.”

Yep, I played that card. A) because it’s true; and B) I knew she would genuinely care.

She looked up at me with wide eyes. “Tell me about the kids. The ones who are starving this very second? How do you know them?”

I began to describe the Rohingya refugees who have been fleeing from Buddhist-majority Myanmar, the ones who have spent months stranded at sea because no country wants to take them in.

They have tried to land in Malaysia, but the country does not want to accept any more migrants, due to the fact that there are approximately 45,000 undocumented Rohingya refugees already stressing Malaysia’s resources.

Likewise, Indonesia and Thailand are turning additional refugees away, their countries are overburdened with caring for thousands of refugees, and they are asking for other countries to step up and provide assistance.

I showed my daughter pictures of men, women, and children who are suffering from dehydration, hunger, and sickness. “And all of this came AFTER they were mistreated by their government due to their beliefs.”

She and I talked about how our people, the Jewish people, have a history of being persecuted for our religious beliefs. Several generations ago, my own ancestors came to America on boats, seeking freedom from religious persecution in Russia.

My daughter crammed a huge bite of egg into her mouth and asked me question after question.

Later than evening, she disappeared into her room, shouting something about the refugees. I found her writing a letter to President Barack Obama.



“Dear Barack Obama,

I have a serious problem that I beg you to help. Refugees from Myanmar need a place to live. How would you feel if you were starving, exhausted, hungry, sick or dying? That’s how they feel. Please please please help them. I beg you!! I’ll donate money.

With care,

Annie Rose, age eight”

My daughter is donating her allowance for the next few weeks to help. She is also asking other people to help the cause. My husband told her, “For Father’s Day, I will match the money you raise, up to the first $250.”



We are making our donations to the above site, because we have confirmed it is legitimate. If you are so moved, please voice your support for the cause and consider making a donation!

Annie Rose said, “I hope Barack Obama helps! Daddy will match his donation for Father’s Day!”

http://www.chicagonow.com

Putrajaya says no to UN refugees working here



BY JENNIFER GOMEZ

Published: 24 June 2015 11:23 AM


A Rohingya asylum seeker shows his UNHCR card in this picture dated June 2. – Reuters pic, 


Putrajaya will not allow refugees holding United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) cards to work in Malaysia, Deputy Human Resource Minister Datuk Seri Ismail Abdul Muttalib told the Senate today.

UNHCR had made an appeal to the government on Monday to allow UNHCR registered refugees, most of whom are from Myanmar to be allowed to work here.

According to statistics released by the UNHCR office in Kuala Lumpur, there were 153,004 asylum seekers and refugees registered with UNHCR up to May 31.

The deputy minister said allowing them to work was against the Immigration Act, which did not allow those without valid travel documents to be salaried in Malaysia.

He said another concern was that allowing them to work would encourage more refugees waiting at the borders to enter Malaysia, adding that it will cause the situation to spiral out of control.

"We already have 1.9 million registered foreign workers in Malaysia, we are also concerned that these people will now use this to try and apply for refugee status while they are here," Ismail told the Senate.

The deputy minister said Putrajaya did not want to send out the wrong signal on its policy on refugees by allowing them to work here.

"If we allow them to work, they are going to ask for other privileges such as education, medical and so on.

"We are sympathetic to their plight, but we cannot be giving them jobs," Ismail said. – June 24, 2015.



Governments fail to respond to ‘worst refugee crisis since WW2’

Jyothi Laldas

A REPORT by Amnesty International accuses world leaders of neglect as millions of refugees face “an unbearable existence”, while the world faces the “worst refugee crisis since World War 2”.

Amnesty International said that governments around the world have effectively let thousands of people who are fleeing wars in Africa and the Middle East, die by failing to provide them with basic human protection.

The number of people who have been displaced forcibly in the world is now thought to be above 50 million.

“We are witnessing the worst refugee crisis of our era, with millions of women, men and children struggling to survive amid brutal wars, networks of people traffickers and governments that pursue selfish political interests instead of showing basic human compassion,” said Salil Shetty, Amnesty International’s secretary-general, in a statement.


“The refugee crisis is one of the defining challenges of the 21st century, but the response of the international community has been a shameful failure.”

Antonio Guterres, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, said the situation in Syria is “the most dramatic humanitarian crisis the world has faced in a very long time”.

The report, called “The Global Refugee Crisis: A Conspiracy of Neglect”, pays particular attention to the situation in Syria, the Mediterranean, Africa and South-East Asia.

The UN’s humanitarian appeal for Syrian refuges has received less than a quarter of the funds it needs.

The report also blasted the international community for doing nothing to alleviate the massive displacement of people across sub-Saharan Africa.

An estimated three million refugees are thought to be living there, including hundreds of thousands of people who have fled conflict in countries such as Nigeria, South Sudan, the Central African Republic and Burundi.

Conflict and wars raging across the Middle East and Africa have directly caused the Mediterranean migrant crisis, which has seen thousands of people drowning. About 3 500 people died while trying to make the sea crossing to Europe in 2014, with 1 865 thought to have perished so far this year.

Amnesty called on all of Europe to share the burden of dealing with the refugee crisis.

There were also incidents where Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand refused to allow boats carrying refugees from Bangladesh and Myanmar to land, putting migrants at further risk.

Amnesty is urging world leaders to call an international summit on tackling the refugee crisis, focusing on sharing the burden of dealing with it, and that all countries must ratify the Refugee Convention.

As the entire Muslim world enters the benevolent and beloved month of Ramadan, we pray that humankind shows compassion and heeds the needs of those who are desperately suffering strife, hardship, poverty and affliction due to war, unrest and crises in their respective countries, and for peace to prevail.

MEDIA DESK

Darul Ihsan Centre