Friday, October 29, 2010

Looking at Burma's forthcoming General Election from India

 



by Nava Thakuria

(October 29, New Delhi, Sri Lanka Guardian) The general election in Burma (Myanmar), scheduled on November 7, 2010, will be a much sought after affair for the international media, as most of the western countries have expressed resentment at the progress of the polls that were expected to bring change to the life and living of millions of poor Burmese in the Southeast Asian country.

The election commission of the military ruled country had de-recognized the main opposition party National League for Democracy. It’s leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is still under house arrest and she can not participate in the polls. Recently, the military junta announced that Suu Kyi could exercise her franchise in the polls, but the Noble Peace laureate rejected the offer and declared that she would not vote.

The country had experienced an election 20 years back, where the NLD led by the pro-democracy icon Suu Kyi won over 80% seats. But the military junta did not obey the verdict of the people and simply ignored the outcome. Rather the band of Generals in power started atrocities on the elected members of the Parliament. Many of them even left the country and they are still living in exile in various countries including India.

Today, India not only supports many high profile Burmese political leaders, but also many common refugees from the country. Unofficial source reveals that there are nearly 80,000 Burmese living in India. New Delhi has around 10,000 Burmese refugees, where as Mizoram supports more than 70,000 Burmese people, migrated mostly from its neighboring Chin province of Burma.

The India based Burmese people, irrespective of their ethnicities, had already denounced the forthcoming Burma election arguing that the exercise ‘will not bring any freedom to the people of Burma’. The exiled Burmese came out with a strong statement that the proposed election would only legitimize the military
rule, which has already earned a notorious name for human rights violation. “The election will enact the 2008 Constitution, which not only contains many undemocratic measures including giving the military effective veto power over decisions made by the new parliament and government, but also depriving people of their basic human rights by stipulating ‘exception clauses’, and preserving draconian laws that explicitly prohibit freedom of speech, association, and assembly,” said M. Kim, an India based Burmese pro-democracy activist.

The activists also apprehend that the November 7 polls will ‘not be free or fair under the present regime and unsatisfied ambience’, as thousands of democracy activists have been imprisoned, intimidated, tortured and put to death for demanding justice, peace, human rights in the poverty stricken country.

Speaking to this writer also Kim informed that ‘nearly 2,200 political prisoners are serving detention in Burma and there is no hint from the military rulers that they might be allowed to participate in the election’.

Meanwhile, on 141st birthday of Mahatma Gandhi (2 October 2010), Burma Centre Delhi had submitted an appeal letter to Sonia Gandhi, president of All India Congress Committee seeking her support in ‘restoring peace, justice, democracy and human rights in Burma’. The letter, endorsed by 44 Burmese organizations in
India strongly argued for immediate release of Ms Suu Kyi with other political prisoners.

“On this auspicious day, which marks Gandhiji’s birthday and also recognized as International Day of non-Violence, we together with other Burmese organizations in India would like to seek your kind attention on the struggle for restoration of peace, human rights and democracy in Burma by non-violence means,” said in the BCD letter.

Mentionable that a living symbol of Gandhiji’s Satyagraha and a recipient of Jawaharlal Nehru’s Award for International Understanding (by India), Suu Kyi has been under house arrest for 15 of the past 20 years.

Suu Kyi’s speeches on various occasions clearly reflected her deep respect to Gandhiji’s non-violence method of struggle saying, “If we consider a country like India which was very much influenced by Gandhiji’s non-violence philosophy you can see how clear the military has kept away from politics. India has had
many political upheavals and it has faced many problems and it probably will have many problems to face in the future. But I think the seed of non-violence that was planted before Independence has helped them a great deal in resolving the problems in a democratic way as is possible under the circumstances.” The Burmese groups including All Burma Democratic Lusei Women Organization, All Burma Monks’ Representative Committee, Chin Human Rights Organization, Women League of Burma – India, Shwe Gas Campaign – India, All Kachin Students & Youth Union, Arakan League for Democracy – Exile, Burmese Christian Association, Burmese Women Union, National League for Democracy Liberated Area, Zomi Women
Union demand that ‘all political prisoners, including Suu Kyi, Khun Htun Oo and Min Ko Naing must be released before the election’.

The Burmese activists, though they were ‘deeply upset with the Government of India for accepting Burmese military ruler Than Shwe as a state guest in last July’, they still maintain hope that the largest democracy in the globe would ‘play a crucial role in the process of national reconciliation and restoration of democracy in Burma’. They even urged New Delhi that it should not ‘endorse Burma’s military constitution and elections’, as it would only lead to entrenchment of military rule in the country.

Even the UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon expressed grave concern at the progress of Burma election. Initially he wanted the November election to pave way for a credible, civilian and democratic government in Burma. But refusal to free opposition leader Suu Kyi ahead of polls by the military rulers emerged as
a major irritant. According to the UN chief, the military government should release all opposition leaders if it wants the November election to achieve international credibility.

Earlier, Amnesty International also demanded the release of all political prisoners in Burma before the polls. The rights group also called on the world leaders and more precisely ASEAN government heads to pressurize the Burmese government to free the political prisoners and ensure human rights protection throughout the elections period and beyond.

Of course, Surin Pitsuwan, secretary-general of Association of Southeast Asian Nations expressed hope that Burma will march forward for a democratic setup after the polls and provide space for a real national reconciliation. He however urged the military junta for taking initiatives for a free and fair election.
Burma is a member of ASEAN since 1997, but the forum continues to receive brickbats for its support to the military regime. Some member-countries of the forum like Singapore, Malaysia and Philippines maintained their pressure on Burma for political reforms.

In a media workshop on Burma election as well as the situation of Burmese refugees living in India, over 20 journalists and civil society activists urged New Delhi to take a critical stance on the fairness and inclusiveness of the forthcoming election in Burma and their results.

Organized by Burma Center Prague and Burma Centre Delhi on September 27 in New Delhi, the workshop also resolved that ‘though India allows refugees to stay in the country as they await UNHCR refugee status, it could do much more in providing security to this vulnerable group’. The participants reminded the government that the influx of refugees in India is the result of bad governance in Burma.

Inaugurating the day-long event at Press Club of India, Miloslav Stasek, Ambassador of the Czech Republic to the Republic of India, disclosed that the Czech Foreign Affairs Ministry would continue supporting the endeavour for a successful transition to democracy in Burma.

“As part of this project, three Czech journalists came to New Delhi to share their experience in covering elections and at the same time learn more about the work of Burmese independent media and see first-hand the situation of Burmese refugees living in New Delhi,” the Ambassador added.

The workshop and follow-up press meet featured several experts on the Burmese issue including Dr. Tint Swe (Member of Parliament of the Burmese government in exile), Soe Myint (Editor-in-Chief of Mizzima News), K. Yhome (Observer Research Foundation), Ro Mawi (Chin Refugee Committee) and Sangte (Editor of Khonumthung News) with Sumit Chakravarty (Editor of Mainstream), Jyoti Malhotra (Journalist), Vijay Jolly (Jt. Convener, All India BJP Overseas Cell) with others.

This writer had an opportunity to address the gathering and extended heartiest support to the recommendations for the central government and the Indian media as a whole. In a recommendation to New Delhi, the meeting urged the Union Government of India ‘to grant the benefits of democracy, humanity and prosperity also to the peoples of India's neighbours’, ‘to continue to provide refuge to Burmese in India’ and ‘to carefully monitor the upcoming elections in Burma by  sending election observers, and insist on their fairness and inclusiveness in collaboration with the UN and the international community’.

The appeal to the mainstream Indian media included ‘to perceive the presence of migrants and refugees amid Indian society as interconnected with the question of governance in their countries of origin’, ‘to objectively report about the situation in Burma on the basis of all available sources while critically reviewing information provided by the Burmese military junta and its civilian successors and proxies’ and ‘to advocate the rights of their colleagues inside Burma and to highlight the cases of Burmese journalists that fell victim to censorship or persecution solely for having practiced their profession’

Wednesday, October 27, 2010

JVC Unjustly Discriminates Against Burmese Migrant Women Workers

JVC Unjustly Discriminates Against Burmese Migrant Women Workers Who Claim Worker Rights


By 79 civil society organizations | October 21, 2010

We, the undersigned 79 civil society organizations and groups, would like to express our serious concern that JVC has indicated that they will not re-new the employment contracts of Pa Pa Aye and 15 other Burmese women migrant workers, who lodged a claim at the Labour Department claiming worker rights that the JVC company had violated, amongst them the wrongful deduction of their wages to recover levy that employers have to pay when they employ foreign workers. The other 7 workers, who complained, whose contract was renewed in August, will also be terminated and repatriated. The information contained in this statement has been provided by the affected workers.
JVC has its factory at Lot. No.1, Persiaran Jubli Perak, Jalan 22/1, Section 22, Shah Alam, 40702 Shah Alam, Selangor, Malaysia, and they manufactures cameras, video cameras and audio equipment components, amongst others.
On 21/7/2010, Pa Pa Aye and 22 other women migrant workers lodged a complaint at the Subang Jaya Labour Office in Malaysia. Amongst their demands were for the return of monies wrongly deducted from their wages for levy the employer had to pay to the Malaysian government for employing migrant workers, other unlawful deductions like transfer fees, saving funds, etc amounting to about RM3,500-00, and for the return of the Passports which are still wrongly being held by the employer . They were also claiming for the balance of the wages that they were entitled. According to the workers, the employer was to pay them much more about RM50 per day but they were only paid the sum of RM23.
On 6/8/2010, after night shift when the women workers were being transported back to their homes, their bus took a different route, and suddenly stopped where the agent was waiting. The agent then called one of the Burmese women migrant workers who had complaint to the Labour Department and asked her to leave the bus and follow him. The workers suspected that the agent was trying to get the worker sent back to Burma, and they stood together and prevented the agent from taking the worker. The workers then lodged a police report about this incident. There have also been other cases of harassment, whereby in one incident 3 men entered the women’s hostel and threatened them.
The workers, through their representatives, which included an officer from the Malaysian Trade Union Congress (MTUC) also complained about this incident to JVC, and JVC gave the assurance that this will not happen again and they guaranteed that all workers could continue to work in JVC.
On 12/8/2010, the agent tried to force the workers to sign a new contract, but all workers refused to sign it. The pressure on the workers to sign the new contract took place at the factory compound. Later on the same day the JVC’s Human Resource Manager, one Mr. Mazlan, and the HR Assistant Manager, one Ms. Ida, also tried to pressure the workers to sign the new contracts. The new contract was written in English only (just like their old contract). The workers to date do not have a copy of their old contract, as they were never given a copy. The new contract allegedly stated that their daily salary will be reduced to RM21, which is RM2 less than what the workers have been getting until now.
On 25/8/2010, the Burmese workers informed us that JVC had summarily dismissed 30 Sri Lanka women migrant workers in retaliation for their demand that JVC pay them their promised monthly salary of RM750. After the dismissal JVC and the agent, Fast Link Trans, began forceful repatriation of the workers. On 28/8/2010, 8 Sri Lankan workers were allegedly sent home. These workers apparently never received the amount owing them and/or any compensation for premature termination of their contract.
On 8/9/2010, JVC’s Human Resources Officer, in the presence of the Labour Officer and the agent’s representative from a company known as Fast Link Trans, tried to return to the Burmese workers the amount they said was the levy that had been wrongfully deducted from the wages and asked the workers to sign a document which was in English. The workers refused as the amount offered was far less than the sum deducted, and they did not want to sign any document which was in a language they did not know.
The company also refused to give a copy of the document to enable them to get an independent person who spoke Burmese to translate its contents to them.
On 28/9/2010, the agent informed the workers that when their current annual contract expires, their contracts will not be renewed and they will all be sent back to Burma. The contracts of 15 of these workers’ contract will expire in October, and the rest by the end of the year. Pa Pa Aye’s own contract expires in early November. The contracts of 7 others which expired in August have already been renewed. Later, on about 7/10/2010, the agent informed the workers that all 23 of them will be terminated and sent back to Burma. The process of forced repatriation of the Burmese workers has already begun with one worker being sent back to Burma on 9/10/2010.
It must be stated that according to the workers, when they came to Malaysia to work with JVC the agreement was that they will be employed for a period of at least 3 years, but when they arrived and started working, they were made to sign 1-year contracts with the verbal assurance that it will be renewed every year for at least a total of 3 years. The threat of early termination and deportation is also wrong and discriminatory as JVC has continued to renew contracts of others who had started work around the same time as these Burmese migrant workers.
Any early termination, and/or non renewal of the 1-year employment contracts by JVC can reasonably be seen as a retaliation of the company against workers who have elected to claim their rights as workers. Their case at the Labour Department is pending, and a termination and repatriation back to Burma will mean that the workers will not be able to continue to pursue their claim in the Labour Department/Court as the presence of the worker in the hearing of their claims against the employer is compulsory, and their absence will mean that their case will just be struck off,
We, the undersigned groups, call upon JVC to respect worker rights and their right to access to justice and not cause these 23 Burmese workers to be terminated and deported.
We urge that JVC to respect the law and the legal process initiated by the lodging of the complaint by the workers at the Labour Department, and to respect and abide with the outcome of the hearing at the Labour Court. Workers should not be terminated and/or discriminated against by reason of the fact that they choose to demand for their rights or better rights as workers. For those who have already been repatriated back to their country of origin, including those workers from Sri Lanka, JVC must compensate them for their expenses in coming to Malaysia to work, and for the early termination of their employment.
We call on JVC to act justly and not to terminate these workers, and to renew their contract so that they can pursue their claims until completion. JVC should also adhere to their earlier promise that these workers will be employed for a period of at least 3 years, for migrant workers do expend a lot of money (850-1,000 USD) when they do come to Malaysia to work and any early termination and breach of rights will only leave these workers in a worse situation as they may not be even to settle the debts they incurred in coming here to Malaysia to work.
We call on Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (SUHAKAM) to inquire into this complaint concerning the violation of worker rights by JVC.
We also call on the Malaysian government and the Human Resource Minister to ensure that no workers are terminated and/or discriminated against by reason of the fact that they have stood up to claim their rights as workers.
The Malaysian government should also ensure that no migrant worker is terminated and/or repatriated back to their country of origins until the employer has fully settled all outstanding worker claims and/or payments. If migrant workers are terminated, the Malaysian government must ensure that these workers are allowed to stay and work legally in Malaysia until all outstanding claims and legal processes are settled. If special passes and visas are required to ensure workers ability to stay and work legally, it must be given gratis without requiring the workers to pay anything. Worker cases must be expedited, and independent translators should be available at all Labour Departments and courts.
Labour rights must take precedent over immigration law. Do not deport until worker claims are determined and settled by Labour Department and/or courts.
Charles Hector
Pranom Somwong
For and on behalf of the following 79 organizations
ALIRAN,
Asia Pacific Forum on Women ,Law and Development ( APWLD)
Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants (APMM)
Asian Migrants Center (AMC)
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)
Bahrain Center for Human Rights
Bahrain Youth Society for Human Rights
Bangladesh Burma Border
BAYAN USA
BUGKOS
Building and Wood Workers International Asia Pacific Regional Office
Burma Campaign, Malaysia
Burmese Women’s Union (BWU)
Coalition To Abolish Modern-Day Slavery In Asia
Committee for Asian Women (CAW)
Community Development Services (CDS), Sri Lanka
Coordination of Action Research on AIDS & Mobility (CARAM-ASIA)
Democratic Party for a New Society (DPNS), Burma
FICAP – Aichi
Filipino Migrants Center – FMC
Forum for Democracy in Burma
GABRIELA – Japan
Gabriela-Taiwan
Grassroots Human Rights Education & Development (GHRE-FED), Thailand
HOME, Singapore
Human Rights Education Institute of Burma
IHI Action Group (Iwi Have Influence), New Zealand
IMA Research Foundation, Bangladesh
Kachin Women’s Association, Thailand
KAFIN – Nagoya
KL & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall Youth Section
League of Filipino Seniors (LFS)
Legal Support for Children and Women (LSCW), Cambodia
MADPET – Malaysians against Death Penalty and Torture
Malaysia Youth and Students Democratic Movement (DEMA)
MAP Foundation, Thailand
May 1st Coalition, Co-Coordinator, USA
Mekong Migration Network ( MMN)
Migrante Aotearoa New Zealand
Migrant Forum in Asia (MFA)
Migramte Australia
Migrante-Denmark chapter
Migranteng Ilonggo sa Taiwan
Migrante International
Migrante international – Hsinchuang chapter
Migrante International – Taiwan chapter
Migrante Melbourne
Migrante-Middle East and Migrante-Saudi Arabia chapter
MIGRANTE – Nagoya
Migrants Trade Union (MTU), Korea
Migrant Workers Network – New Zealand
National League for Democracy [NLD (LA)], Malaysia
Nepal Institute of Development Studies( NIDS) ,NEPAL
Network for Empowerment of Women in Vietnam
Network of Action for Migrants in Malaysia (NAMM)
Parti Rakyat Malaysia (PRM)
Penggerak Belia Zon 23 MPSJ, Malaysia
Persatuan Masyarakat Selangor & Wilayah Persekutuan, Malaysia
Persatuan Penduduk Taman Muhibbah, Malaysia
Persatuan Prihatin Komuniti KL & Selangor
Philippine Society in Japan – Nagoya
PINAY (Montreal)
Pusat Komas, Malaysia
Persatuan Sahabat Wanita Selangor, Malaysia
Shan Refugee Organization (Malaysia)
Shan Women Action Network (SWAN), Thailand
St. John’s Cathedral HIV Education Centre, Hong Kong
Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
Tenaganita, Malaysia
The Federation of Trade Unions Burma (FTUB)
The Filipino Women’s Organization in Quebec
The National Human Rights Society (Persatuan Kebangsaan Hak Asasi Manusia, HAKAM), Malaysia
The Shwe Gas Movement
Unite Union New Zealand
Women Empowerment Association
Women Petition Committee
Workers Hub for Change (WH4C)
Yaung Chi Oo Workers Association ( YCOWA)
Yayasan Annisa Swasti (YASANTI), Indonesia

Monday, October 25, 2010

Burmese Election


The general election in Burma (Myanmar), scheduled on November 7, 2010, will be a much sought after affair for the international media, as most of the western countries have expressed resentment at the progress of the polls that were expected to bring change to the life and living of millions of poor Burmese in the Southeast Asian country.
The election commission of the military ruled country had de-recognized the main opposition party National League for Democracy. It’s leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is still under house arrest and she can not participate in the polls. Recently, the military junta announced that Suu Kyi could exercise her franchise in the polls, but the Noble Peace laureate rejected the offer and declared that she would not vote.
The country had experienced an election 20 years back, where the NLD led by the pro-democracy icon Suu Kyi won over 80% seats. But the military junta did not obey the verdict of the people and simply ignored the outcome. Rather the band of Generals in power started atrocities on the elected members of the Parliament. Many of them even left the country and they are still living in exile in various countries including India.
Today, India not only supports many high profile Burmese political leaders, but also many common refugees from the country. Unofficial source reveals that there are nearly 80,000 Burmese living in India. New Delhi has around 10,000 Burmese refugees, where as Mizoram supports more than 70,000 Burmese people, migrated mostly from its neighboring Chin province of Burma.
The India based Burmese people, irrespective of their ethnicities, had already denounced the forthcoming Burma election arguing that the exercise ‘will not bring any freedom to the people of Burma’. The exiled Burmese came out with a strong statement that the proposed election would only legitimize the military rule, which has already earned a notorious name for human rights violation.
“The election will enact the 2008 Constitution, which not only contains many undemocratic measures including giving the military effective veto power over decisions made by the new parliament and government, but also depriving people of their basic human rights by stipulating ‘exception clauses’, and preserving draconian laws that explicitly prohibit freedom of speech, association, and assembly,” said M. Kim, an India based Burmese pro-democracy activist.
The activists also apprehend that the November 7 polls will ‘not be free or fair under the present regime and unsatisfied ambience’, as thousands of democracy activists have been imprisoned, intimidated, tortured and put to death for demanding justice, peace, human rights in the poverty stricken country.
Speaking to this writer also Kim informed that ‘nearly 2,200 political prisoners are serving detention in Burma and there is no hint from the military rulers that they might be allowed to participate in the election’.
Meanwhile, on 141st birthday of Mahatma Gandhi (2 October 2010), Burma Centre Delhi had submitted an appeal letter to Sonia Gandhi, president of All India Congress Committee seeking her support in ‘restoring peace, justice, democracy and human rights in Burma’. The letter, endorsed by 44 Burmese organizations in India strongly argued for immediate release of Ms Suu Kyi with other political prisoners.
“On this auspicious day, which marks Gandhiji’s birthday and also recognized as International Day of non-Violence, we together with other Burmese organizations in India would like to seek your kind attention on the struggle for restoration of peace, human rights and democracy in Burma by non-violence means,” said in the BCD letter.
Mentionable that a living symbol of Gandhiji’s Satyagraha and a recipient of Jawaharlal Nehru’s Award for International Understanding (by India), Suu Kyi has been under house arrest for 15 of the past 20 years.
Suu Kyi’s speeches on various occasions clearly reflected her deep respect to Gandhiji’s non-violence method of struggle saying, “If we consider a country like India which was very much influenced by Gandhiji’s non-violence philosophy you can see how clear the military has kept away from politics. India has had many political upheavals and it has faced many problems and it probably will have many problems to face in the future. But I think the seed of non-violence that was planted before Independence has helped them a great deal in resolving the problems in a democratic way as is possible under the circumstances.”
The Burmese groups including All Burma Democratic Lusei Women Organization, All Burma Monks’ Representative Committee, Chin Human Rights Organization, Women League of Burma – India, Shwe Gas Campaign – India, All Kachin Students & Youth Union, Arakan League for Democracy – Exile, Burmese Christian Association, Burmese Women Union, National League for Democracy Liberated Area, Zomi Women Union demand that ‘all political prisoners, including Suu Kyi, Khun Htun Oo and Min Ko Naing must be released before the election’.
The Burmese activists, though they were ‘deeply upset with the Government of India for accepting Burmese military ruler Than Shwe as a state guest in last July’, they still maintain hope that the largest democracy in the globe would ‘play a crucial role in the process of national reconciliation and restoration of democracy in Burma’. They even urged New Delhi that it should not ‘endorse Burma’s military constitution and elections’, as it would only lead to entrenchment of military rule in the country.
Even the UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon expressed grave concern at the progress of Burma election. Initially he wanted the November election to pave way for a credible, civilian and democratic government in Burma. But refusal to free opposition leader Suu Kyi ahead of polls by the military rulers emerged as a major irritant. According to the UN chief, the military government should release all opposition leaders if it wants the November election to achieve international credibility.
Earlier, Amnesty International also demanded the release of all political prisoners in Burma before the polls. The rights group also called on the world leaders and more precisely ASEAN government heads to pressurize the Burmese government to free the political prisoners and ensure human rights protection throughout the elections period and beyond.
Of course, Surin Pitsuwan, secretary-general of Association of Southeast Asian Nations expressed hope that Burma will march forward for a democratic setup after the polls and provide space for a real national reconciliation. He however urged the military junta for taking initiatives for a free and fair election.
Burma is a member of ASEAN since 1997, but the forum continues to receive brickbats for its support to the military regime. Some member-countries of the forum like Singapore, Malaysia and Philippines maintained their pressure on Burma for political reforms.
In a media workshop on Burma election as well as the situation of Burmese refugees living in India, over 20 journalists and civil society activists urged New Delhi to take a critical stance on the fairness and inclusiveness of the forthcoming election in Burma and their results.
Organized by Burma Center Prague and Burma Centre Delhi on September 27 in New Delhi, the workshop also resolved that ‘though India allows refugees to stay in the country as they await UNHCR refugee status, it could do much more in providing security to this vulnerable group’. The participants reminded the government that the influx of refugees in India is the result of bad governance in Burma.
Inaugurating the day-long event at Press Club of India, Miloslav Stasek, Ambassador of the Czech Republic to the Republic of India, disclosed that the Czech Foreign Affairs Ministry would continue supporting the endeavour for a successful transition to democracy in Burma.
“As part of this project, three Czech journalists came to New Delhi to share their experience in covering elections and at the same time learn more about the work of Burmese independent media and see first-hand the situation of Burmese refugees living in New Delhi,” the Ambassador added.
The workshop and follow-up press meet featured several experts on the Burmese issue including Dr. Tint Swe (Member of Parliament of the Burmese government in exile), Soe Myint (Editor-in-Chief of Mizzima News), K. Yhome (Observer Research Foundation), Ro Mawi (Chin Refugee Committee) and Sangte (Editor of Khonumthung News) with Sumit Chakravarty (Editor of Mainstream), Jyoti Malhotra (Journalist), Vijay Jolly (Jt. Convener, All India BJP Overseas Cell) with others.
This writer had an opportunity to address the gathering and extended heartiest support to the recommendations for the central government and the Indian media as a whole. In a recommendation to New Delhi, the meeting urged the Union Government of India ‘to grant the benefits of democracy, humanity and prosperity also to the peoples of India’s neighbours’, ‘to continue to provide refuge to Burmese in India’ and ‘to carefully monitor the upcoming elections in Burma by sending election observers, and insist on their fairness and inclusiveness in collaboration with the UN and the international community’.
The appeal to the mainstream Indian media included ‘to perceive the presence of migrants and refugees amid Indian society as interconnected with the question of governance in their countries of origin’, ‘to objectively report about the situation in Burma on the basis of all available sources while critically reviewing information provided by the Burmese military junta and its civilian successors and proxies’ and ‘to advocate the rights of their colleagues inside Burma and to highlight the cases of Burmese journalists that fell victim to censorship or persecution solely for having practiced their profession’. Looking At Burma’s Forthcoming General Election From India By Nava Thakuria, 18 October, 2010, Countercurrents.org

Provide mental care for refugees, asylum seekers

Source : http://aliran.com/3063.html

Their mental distress continues even after arrival - Photo courtesy of Chin Refugees in Malaysia
There are some 15.2 million refugees worldwide and some 88,900 refugees and asylum-seekers registered with the UNHCR in Malaysia as of end June 2010, the majority of whom are from Burma. Malaysia has not ratified the 1951 Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol and does not have a legislative or administrative framework for dealing with refugees.
The World Health Organisation recognises refugees as “one of the most vulnerable groups of today’s world” with special mental health needs.
Mental disorders like depression, anxiety and post traumatic stress disorder are high in prevalence among refugees and asylum seekers because of their forced displacement experiences, including extreme levels of trauma, loss, insecurity, abuse, sexual violence, and torture prior to arriving in Malaysia.
Their mental distress continues even after arrival because of their insecure legal status and inability to engage in paid employment legally.
Poor accessibility to health care further compromises the mental health of refugees and asylum seekers. Refugees in Malaysia experience many difficulties in accessing mental health services and health care in general. Some of the factors that limit accessibility to health care are lack of finance, ongoing security threats of arrest, detention and deportation, lack of recognition of their refugee status, and language barriers.
In line with the World Health Organisation’s position to incorporate the special mental health needs of refugees, and to give due regard for equality and non-discrimination in the development of mental health policy and service provision, Health Equity Initiatives calls on the Malaysian government to:
  • provide universal access to mental health care, including for refugees and asylum seekers.
  • apply to refugees and asylum seekers the same rates for patient care applicable to Malaysians in state-run health facilities, because they require treatment and do not have the resources
  • recognise the status of refugee and allow them to work so that they can finance their health needs and enjoy access to the determinants of health including food, housing, sanitation, and education for their children.
Associate Professor Dr. Xavier V Pereira, a psychiatrist and psychotherapist, is director of Health Equity Initiatives
Health Equity Initiatives (HEI) is a Malaysian NGO committed to advancing the right to health of disenfranchised populations. Its programmes include community-based health interventions with refugees and asylum seekers; mental health services; research and advocacy related to monitoring the right to health; and, internships on health and human rights for students of medicine.
For more information contact, Ms. Vizla Kumaresan, Clinical Psychologist and Coordinator of Mental Health Services, Health Equity Initiatives, 26-1A, Jalan Vivekananda, Brickfields, 50470 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Tel: +60-3-22724957; Fax: +60-3-2272 4854. Email: health.equity@yahoo.com

Burmese refugee curbs shut resettlement office

Journalgazette.net

FORT WAYNE – One of Fort Wayne’s two refugee placement offices will close, a consequence of the federal government’s limitations on the number of refugees sent to the city.
World Relief, a faith-based international humanitarian aid organization, opened an office at Simpson United Methodist Church on South Harrison Street less than two years ago in anticipation of an increased flow of refugees.
The U.S. State Department resettled about 800 Burmese refugees in the Fort Wayne area the year before the office opened. Refugees have been fleeing persecution in Myanmar, as Burma is called by the ruling military government, for years.
The high number being sent here had social services agencies seeking help, and World Relief said it hoped to ease some of the strain on Catholic Charities of Fort Wayne-South Bend, the sole agency tasked with placing refugees in the area.
But the State Department has since severely restricted the number of refugees who can be sent to the Fort Wayne area, and World Relief’s local office has welcomed only about half the number of refugees for which it was approved.
Calls to World Relief’s headquarters in Baltimore and Midwest office in Illinois were not returned Thursday. Dan Kosten, World Relief vice president of U.S. Programs, said in a statement the organization has tried to have the restrictions loosened.
Without more refugees, keeping the office open isn’t viable, he said.
Officials at the non-profit’s headquarters told Jeff Keplar, executive director of the Fort Wayne office, on Oct. 15 that his office would close.
That evening, he went to the city’s airport to welcome the last refugee on behalf of World Relief Fort Wayne – a 75-year-old Burmese woman joining family here.
It’s a trip he’s made more than 100 times, and it was bittersweet to see the gratitude on the family’s faces, Keplar said.
“If you’ve been through what they’ve been through, knowing someone cares makes all the difference,” he said.
Catholic Charities Executive Director Debbie Schmidt said Thursday her organization has worked with World Relief in many ways over the past few months.
“They provided a great service,” she said.
Resettlement agencies, through a public-private agreement with the federal government, welcome refugees at the airport; assist with housing, food and basic needs; and coordinate their access to medical services, English classes, children’s schooling, government benefits and other needs.
For the service, the agencies are given a one-time grant per refugee. For many years, the grant was $900, until early this year when the State Department doubled that.
After World Relief Fort Wayne opened, the State Department limited refugee placement in the city to those who have parents, grandparents, children, grandchildren or siblings already living in the city.
Fort Wayne and Detroit were the only two cities to have such restrictions. In June, at the request of placement agencies, the State Department modified Detroit’s restriction to allow the placement of any refugees in the Detroit metro region who have ties there.
“This change should have the positive effect of strengthening family reunification and lessening secondary migration from other placement sites to the Detroit area,” a statement from the Department of State’s Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration said.
Secondary migration occurs when refugees are resettled in one city and leave for another. That has contributed to a Burmese refugee population in Fort Wayne that has been estimated to be the country’s largest.
Keplar thinks the restriction did not lessen the influx of refugees; instead, it might have contributed to secondary migration of refugees who arrived in the city without the support system of a resettlement agency.
But he said he prefers to focus on the positive effects his agency had in such a short time. Being a bridge between new refugees and churches and people who want to helpwas a rewarding experience for all involved, he said.
“I’m going to miss that,” he said. “I can’t walk away from that.”

Sunday, October 17, 2010

Chin Refugee Boy Reunites With Family After Two-Year Detention in Thailand

Chin refugee boy, Kap Cung Lian, on Wednesday was reunited with his family in the US after having spent nearly two years in a Thai detention camp.
Family reunion His father, Pu Zai Awi, told Chinland Guardian: “God has answered our prayers and we don’t know how to express our thanks and happiness. He [Kap Cung Lian] arrived here with us safely and soundly. He has grown up much bigger and taller over the past two years. We shed happy tears when we met him at the airport.”
“Frankly speaking, we, the family, could not do anything in this matter. Therefore, we would like to say our heartfelt thanks to Chin churches, communities and individuals alike, as well as other organisations including the Raks Thai Foundation for their generous help and support in dealing with our son’s cases over the past two years,” added the 49-year-old father.
In late 2008, Kap Cung Lian, then merely 9 years old, was arrested with five other Chin children under 10 in Thailand by the Thai Police while they were on their way to Malaysia to join their parents after being smuggled across the Thai-Burma border by the agents.
Four siblings, Thiang Bik, 5, Philip, 7, Ngun Za Thin, 9, and Roland, 11 had a family reunion with their parents in Stavanger, Norway on 10 June 2010 after being detained with Kap Cung Lian and San Duh Sang, 15, who still remains in Thai detention.
Kenneth Biak Cin, Chairman of Chin Community in Bangkok, told Chinland Guardian: “We are grateful to learn that our children, apart from San Duh Sang, are now safely reunited with their families and our gratitude goes to all of those who lent a helping hand in handling the situation in Thailand and especially to the Raks Thai Foundation for their selfless commitment and services provided until today.”
“This tragic experience should serve as a good lesson for all of us not to put ourselves at risk by taking the easy routes, but to find a safer way even if that process takes a longer time. We hope that San Duh Sang will also be released and reunited with his family soon.”
The Chin refugee family arrived in the US under the UNHCR Resettlement Programme from Malaysia on 25 February 2010 while their youngest son, Kap Cung Lian, then 9, was still detained in a police lock-up in Thailand.

The raids against poor migrants and refugees are continuing in Malaysia

ccording to area based refugee representatives, the situation in farer region like Peneng, Terangganu is unstable compare to KL.
1) In last September 28, 2010, two unregistered Rohingya refugee teens were arrested in Bukit Payong, Terengganu. They are aged about 16 and 18. They both were lifted to Ajil detention camp.
2) Another spot-raid on September 21, 2010, UNHCR card holder 5 Rohingya refugees were lifted by immigration raid in Sugai Besi-KL area. The raid of that day was already reported in Malay-mail newspaper but not covered these 5 refugees. The source available at:
http://www.mmail.com.my/content/49937-apartment-guards-duty-nabbed-immigration-raid
3) On 19th Sept 2010, another two unregistered refugee teens were arrested from bus-station in Kotabaru but the father was escaped. His father said that they are comming to UNHCR office in KL for registration of his two sons. His father’s UNHCR File No. is 354-10C-01767.
4) Again on Aug 2010, UNHCR card holder Mr.Husein (UNHCR’s File No. 512-03C-02444), a 75 years old, Rohingya refugee was arrested in Penang and lifted to prison. Because he is a sick-man, he was released from prison after one month of detention.

Gangs Attacked Refugees in Foiled Robbery Attempts in Malaysia

Chinland Guardian: A Chin refugee family was last Thursday threatened with knife in attempted robbery in their apartment by one of the Indian-Malaysian gang members around 10pm at night in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.
The Chin family were saved from being robbed of their properties and possible attacks after some youths of Hriphi Fellowship on their way to visit the family caught the gangster red-handed in Jalan Ipoh, Kualam Ari of Kuala Lumpur.

"Soon after, many believed to be members of the gang appeared from nowhere to the scene by cars and motorbikes, immediately starting to beat the youths to save their friend. We [the Hriphi youths] backed off and ran into the fellowship centre. The gang members couldn't hurt us as we locked our door. They destroyed all our window glasses and disappeared," said Mr. Tha Peng, one of the Hriphi youths.

It is claimed that a suspected Chinese friend made a call and informed other gang members of the incident.

Our attempts to stop the gang members failed as many more were coming out, continued Mr. Tha Peng, adding: "Later, the CID police arrived and took myself and Van Uk Nawl, who was badly injured, to Kuala Lumpur General Hospital where he was x-rayed twice."

CRC (Chin Regufee Comittee) made an immediate report on the incident to the UNHCR Protection Unit in Malaysia.

In the meantime, another incident was reported where a Chinese man known to be a drug-addict is roaming around in the area with knife, threatening refugee children not to go out but to stay at school.

In Malaysia, a series of robery and extortions has been reported among Chin refugees, including children who were demanded any valuable belongings such as money and mobile phones.

"This is not the first time some incidents like this happened. Many individuals have been attacked by the motorbike-riding gang members with knife while many others have suffered from various forms of threats, intimidations and extortions while on their way home from work. Some have been slapped, punched and also badly hit with wooden sticks for no reasons," said one of the Chin community leaders in Malaysia.

A Better Country - Refugees Hiding in Malaysia's Jungle

Rohingya Refugee, Malaysia - Photo by Jonathan Kwok
Rohingya Refugee, Malaysia - Photo by Jonathan Kwok
He had no reason to lie to us. The tears on his face said it all. They appeared suddenly, streamed clear lines on his dark skin. The first, the only tears I saw during my time meeting with refugees in Malaysia, listening to their stories of survival, of exile, of suffering and displacement. Tears precious to me. I wish I could have collected them in the palm of my hand or in a small vile that I could seal with a lid, bring back with me to Canada to show you. Perhaps we could have found a seed or a small sapling to plant in the ground once the snow melts. Break open the vile of tears to water the soil. A single tear enough to grow a whole tree, the kind of nourishment that only comes with suffering.
We met Noor mid-afternoon, after the heat of the day had reached its peak and the humidity had rolled out like a large cloud, invisible but heavy, covering everything with its weight and presence. We wanted to walk with him out into the jungle, deep into the trees where his small community of 55 people, mostly men, live in huts made carefully out of tree branches and plastic bags, cardboard, garbage, whatever things you use to make shelters out of when you hide away in the jungle.
But we didn't go with him to see the community because it was not safe. The police were raiding their makeshift village over the last few days as police in Malaysia must do when local residents complain about illegal aliens in the area.
So we sat with him, the six of us, in a quiet restaurant at the bottom of an apartment building on a block of concrete lined by green. Vegetation in Malaysia is vibrant and alive. Turn your back on it for only a moment and it grows, jealous and hungry trees stretch out their limbs, vines creep and advance toward the edges of all things. But there we sat, on the edge of the jungle we could not enter for fear of the police, though at any moment it seemed the jungle would advance on us, so both parties might have their wish.
I asked questions which Stanley, the aid worker from a local Catholic parish relayed to Noor in Bahasa. His story came in pieces, was interrupted by memory that covered his soft features in shadow, and interjections from the other parishioners who had joined us to assess the needs of the community. By his tears.
Noor is a Rohingya, a Muslim from Burma, one of the millions of people suddenly stateless and internally displaced when the government announced in 1982 that the Rohingya were no longer citizens in the country where they had always lived. The policy that made them a stateless people was the first of many injustices that would lead to the exodus of millions of Rohingya from Burma over the subsequent decades.
Noor left with his family the following year, in 1983, and like so many others, went to Bangladesh. Only thirteen years old at the time, with his whole life ahead of him, little did he know he would spend the next fourteen years in a refugee camp and be witness to horrors, both small and great.
Disappointed by Hope Described as "a siren call [that] will... forever take us from our complacency to the plight of so many lost, lonely and hurting"
Photographs by Jonathan Kwok
Stories by Andrew Kooman
Reflections by Melanie Hurlbut
with a Foreword by Ambassador Dato' Dennis Ignatius Former High Commissioner of Malaysia to Canada
:: Buy Now ::
Quietly, in a near whisper, Noor recounted the story of his imprisonment, seven years of jail in Bangladesh. A girl in the camp, beautiful and young, only eleven years old, was raped and killed by a group of worthless local men. It's the kind of thing that happens to refugees. To women. To girls. Helpless and displaced. The violence against the young woman one injustice among countless others that occurred in the camp. The community Noor was apart of had been ambushed and mistreated by locals many times and it was all too much. Noor went and spoke to the officers who had authority in the camp. The community was furious that the perpetrators of the crime against their innocent daughter had not been brought to justice and that no legal process was underway.
When Noor had spoken his mind and left, after vocalizing his anger, after speaking up for his community, he was accosted by junior officers, severely beaten and thrown into jail. There was no trial. There was no accusation. Only a clear message from the powers that be that it was better for him and his community to keep the collective mouth shut.
And there Noor stayed. In jail. For Seven years until he somehow he escaped, fled to Malaysia.
Like a puzzle spilled out on a table top, many of the pieces of his story are disconnected for me, flipped over. The border is framed and I have a sense of the greater picture, enough of the context to understand the scope of his suffering. I am unable to connect it all and can only imagine the bits in between. Limited by language, by the short time we had, these are the pieces of his story I was given.
Stanley and Noor had a long conversation in Bahasa about life in the camp. The others, all Malaysians, leaned into the table in silence. Occasionally shaking their heads in disbelief, looks of surprise on their faces. Stanley did not repeat it all, did not want to, his own heart raw and exposed, filled with enough of its own sadness, after learning only hours earlier that the nephew his family eagerly expected, died days before birth in his mother's womb. But I could tell they were talking about the different ways refugees in the camp in Bangladesh died at the hand of cruel men. As he spoke, Noor extended his hands, shaped them into the shapes of guns and knives, grabbed at his abdomen, sliced at his own limbs as he described the violence.
The tears trailed across Noor's face, wove quietly into his narrative when he told us that his family - siblings, a mother, and two sons - were still in the camp. In this place where horrors were not only conveyed in dreams of the night. In this place that he fled. Still living, forever just sitting there, away from their country and, worse, away from him. His wife had run. He had no knowledge of her whereabouts.
If the stories themselves, the experience of sitting with this man was not surreal enough already, his mobile phone which rang mid-conversation, would underscore that the experience of refugees is impossible - anything can happen and does. On the other end of the phone conversation was one of Noor's sons, calling to say hello to the father he had not seen for five years from the Bangladeshi refugee camp. Just like that, even as we spoke of his family. The pride in his eyes accentuated by Noor's beaming smile as he handed me the phone and explained to me through Stanley that his son wished to talk with me, to practice the English he was learning in the camp. I obliged and had a nice short conversation, my index finger jammed into my ear so I could hear across the ocean the young boy's clear, enthusiastic voice shape crisp words of English. Hello. How Are You? How Old? What Is Your Name? And me? Well, what else to talk about but European football. Where I come from. Wish him well and compliment his fantastic English.
But don't learn the language too well, dear child, the prayer I now pray, fervently, after learning the fate of one young boy in the same camp. The United Nations High Commission for Refugees, wanting to have a sense from refugees within the camp about their conditions, had given a phone to a young boy with good English, and would receive reports from him in secret. And camp officials found out. Why the UN officials snuck a phone to the boy I cannot say. Who the men were who caught the boy and what authority they had and still have I do not know either, but what is clear is that they were men who held the power of life and death in their hands. And it was those hands that grabbed the young boy by the ankles when they found the phone, when they discovered what he was doing. Grabbed him by the ankles and swung him around and around in the air. Like a rag doll. Swung him fast and high, bashed his head into trees, against walls. A young boy! A life! A human being! Swung him about until he was dead.
So don't learn your English too well, dear boy, refugee child of a refugee who, from the look of things, always will be.
Are any of these stories the truth? All I can say, with tears, is: I hope not. I want them to be lies. All of them. If only they were lies.
© 2010 Andrew Kooman. All Rights Reserved.
##
The above reflection was featured in EyeSee Magazine.
In 2009 Andrew visited Malaysia and met with migrants and refugees from around South East Asia to hear their stories about their life in Malaysia. Many of the accounts were told by Burmese refugees fleeing the junta. Their stories were the basis for the new book Disappointed by Hope: Migrants and Refugees in Search of a Better Country published by YWAM Penang and Raise Their Voice to highlight the plight of displaced and undocumented migrants.
The above account is a portion of Andrew's personal reflections on his experience in Malaysia.

Myanmar’s refugees still on the run

MYANMAR: Introduction

A young Rohingya girl at the Kutaplong refugee camp in southern Bangladesh, one of two government-run camps for the 28,000 documented Rohingya refugees in the country
A year ago, the world was shocked by images of boatloads of ethnic Rohingya refugees from Myanmar being pushed out to open sea off the Thailand coast to fend for themselves with little food or water.

The plight of the Muslim Rohingya boat people from Myanmar's northern Rakhine State galvanized international attention, and highlighted a refugee crisis that seemingly has become part of the region's geopolitical make-up.

According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), Myanmar is the largest source of refugees in Southeast Asia; globally, it ranked 13th behind Iraq, Afghanistan and Somalia at end-2008.

In what is described by the UN and specialists as one of the world's most intractable refugee situations, people have been fleeing Myanmar for more than a quarter of a century.

Ethnic conflicts

Analysts say the root causes of Myanmar's refugee exodus lie in the ethnic and political conflicts since independence in 1948 from the British.

Myanmar, with an estimated population of 57.6 million, is one of the most ethnically diverse countries in Southeast Asia.

About two-thirds of the population are ethnic Burmese, while the remainder are Shan, Karen, Rakhine, Chinese, Mon and Indian, as well as the Akha, Chin, Danu, Kachin, Kokang, Lahu, Naga, Palaung, Pao, Rohingya, Tavoyan and Wa peoples. There are about 135 ethnic sub-groups, according to the government.

The minorities live mostly in the hills and mountains bordering Bangladesh, China, India, Laos and Thailand, while the Burmese are found in the central alluvial plains and major towns and cities.

The military, which has ruled Myanmar since 1962, has sought a centralized, unitary state, while ethnic groups want a federal structure and greater independence and autonomy, as well as greater recognition of their cultures.

"The root problem is that the government does not recognize ethnic aspirations and appears to want total military victory. Nothing will improve if that's what they want to do," said Jack Dunford, executive director of the Thailand Burma Border Consortium (TBBC), which provides food and shelter in nine refugee camps in Thailand, one of 18 NGOs working in the camps.

While several armed ethnic groups have signed ceasefire agreements with the government, there are long-running insurgencies in the country's border regions by groups such as the Karen National Union (KNU).

The insurgencies, the government's counter-insurgency strategies and growing militarization have seen civilian populations increasingly bearing the brunt of the conflict and fleeing.

Forced labour by the military, the forced relocation of villages, enforced disappearances, rape and other forms of sexual violence, torture, arbitrary detentions, and discrimination against ethnic minorities are all cited as concerns in Myanmar by the UN and international rights groups.

Regional action urged

Burmese refugee populations are mainly found in Thailand, Malaysia, Bangladesh and India, though some Rohingya travel as far afield as Saudi Arabia.

The refugees are vulnerable to human traffickers and people smugglers. Where there are no refugee camps, they receive little support and are routinely subject to detention, discrimination, harassment and exploitative working conditions, rights groups say.


Photo: Photo courtesy of The Arakan Project
The unofficial Kutupalong camp in Bangladesh
None of the main asylum countries in Asia is a signatory to the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees or its 1967 Protocol, leaving Burmese refugees with little protection or recognition of their rights.

Kitty McKinsey, regional spokeswoman for UNHCR, said many Asian countries lacked national refugee legislation, with the result that legitimate asylum seekers and refugees are instead treated as migrants in breach of immigration laws.

Countries "feel the right place for them is in an immigration detention centre. So they quite often put people in detention who we think are asylum seekers and refugees," she said.

With few prospects for change in Myanmar's domestic politics, rights groups have long urged regional governments to exert political pressure on the military government to reform.

"Burma has been like a pressure cooker and the international community has worked [hard] over the past few decades to ease the pressure minimally," said Debbie Stothard, coordinator of the rights group, Altsean-Burma. "There hasn't been the political will to fundamentally resolve the root causes that have pushed people out of Burma."

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations, which includes Myanmar, has maintained a policy of "constructive engagement" with the country and does brisk trade with it.

Myanmar, rich in natural resources such as oil, gas, and timber, also counts regional superpowers China and India among its allies, helping to buffer international criticism.

"We need to understand holistically that all of these things are connected, that working with the regime for short-term gain or trying to accommodate the regime's misbehaviour for the sake of geopolitical interests entails the cost of receiving asylum seekers and hosting them," said Stothard.

Bali process

Following the incident with the Rohingya boat people last year, ASEAN in March 2009 informally discussed the problem of Rohingya refugees, but found no solution. There were then hopes that a regional conference known as the Bali Process, which largely tackles human trafficking and people smuggling, could address the issue.

"For us it's an achievement that it even got on the agenda because we've been trying to get it on to the international and Asian agenda for years," said UNHCR's McKinsey.

At the Bali conference in April 2009, there was agreement on setting up an ad-hoc working group on the issue. However, little has been made public since about Bali Process discussions, or whether concrete actions will arise from this move.

"Though there are occasional flare-ups in relations, as was the case in the first months of 2009 over Rohingya boat people, these issues have been resolved more by pushing them back under the table than by providing real solutions that could benefit the refugee population," said Camilla Olson, an advocate for the US-based Refugees International.

"After 20 years, regional governments should acknowledge that a policy that ignores Burmese refugees will not make them go away," she said.

"Instead, it has created a new class of largely urban poor, who have few opportunities for education, healthcare, or productive futures."

Donor fatigue

The intractable nature of the emergency is vividly illustrated by nine refugee camps in Thailand along the 1,800km border with Myanmar, where some 150,000 Burmese live. Uniquely, the camps are run by the refugees themselves, with support from NGOs.

The genesis of these camps dates back to 1984, when the military government's bid to seize more control of areas in the east sent the first large influx of 10,000 mainly Karen refugees into Thailand.


Photo: Brennon Jones/IRIN
At Umpium refugee camp on the Thai border close to Myanmar, a group of Burmese refugees say their goodbyes. Since 2004, more than 57,000 Burmese refugees from Thailand have been resettled by the International Organization for Migration (IOM)
The camps still exist, and with little end in sight to the flow of refugees, aid workers say the needs are greater than ever.

"We have had new refugees arriving every day for the last 25 years," said TBBC's Dunford. "We are dealing with an ongoing emergency, not something static."

Dunford said there was donor fatigue after so long, and few prospects that refugees could lead a normal life. Since anyone who ventures outside the camp is considered an illegal migrant, the ability of refugees to pursue productive lives and greater self-reliance by seeking employment or other activities is limited.

"As we go into 2010, our budgets are going up, the numbers [of refugees] are going up and we have this pressure now from donors wanting to see change," he said.

"We also want to see change, and in particular for the refugees to be more self-reliant. But change will take time, particularly when the Royal Thai Government is concerned about creating a pull factor by improving refugees' quality of life."

Dunford said that in the short term, additional funds were needed to support livelihood initiatives before basic support could be reduced.

Resettlement prospects

There are three solutions to any refugee crisis, says UNHCR: voluntary repatriation to the country of origin, integration into the asylum country, and resettlement in a third country as a final measure.

Recognizing that voluntary repatriation is not a real option, and that settling in asylum countries such as Thailand is difficult, donor countries have offered in recent years to resettle thousands of Burmese refugees.

Since 2004, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) has helped to resettled more than 57,000 Burmese refugees from Thailand who belonged to the Karen and Karenni ethnic groups. They were mostly resettled in the US, as well as Australia, Canada and New Zealand.

Michiko Ito, assistant resettlement coordinator with IOM in Bangkok, said countries would continue to be interested in resettling Burmese refugees, but that there was a shift away from accepting refugees out of Thailand, which had "peaked".

"The number out of Malaysia will definitely go up. And the resettlement countries are also looking into the resettlement of Rohingyas out of Bangladesh," said Ito.

Thailand has peaked because resettlement countries look at refugees' living conditions, and the camps provide better help than in Malaysia or Bangladesh, where refugee populations have little assistance, she said.

"In Malaysia, they are living in urban settings and there is absolutely no protection mechanism available for them," said Ito.

An open letter to Irrawaddy News

Over the past ten years, community-based organizations representing different ethnic nationalities from Burma have formed to organize, assist, and protect their respective communities. In recognition that community-based operations in Malaysia would benefit from increased cooperation, the Coalition of Burma Ethnics Malaysia (COBEM) was formed in 2007 to respond to the needs of the ethnic refugee and migrant community from Burma living in Malaysia.

COBEM now represents the Chin, Kachin, Arakan, Shan, Karen, Mon and Karenni ethnic communities. Membership of this coalition includes the following community-based organizations: Chin Refugee Committee (CRC), Alliance for Chin Refugees (ACR), Kachin Refugee Committee (KRC), Malaysia Karen Organization (MKO), Organization of Karenni Development (OKD), Mon Refugee Organization (MRO), Shan Refugee Organization (SRO) and Arakan Refugee Relief Committee (ARRC).
As COBEM, we are writing to express our serious concerns over the factual inaccuracies and unfounded accusations in the article, “UNHCR Affiliates Accused of Refugee Corruption”, published by the Irrawaddy on 2 October.

Firstly, COBEM organizations are not ‘brokers’ as described in the Irrawaddy article.  We are independent community-based organizations working for the benefit of our respective communities.  Unfortunately the context in Malaysia is very challenging, as arrest, prolonged detention in appalling conditions, caning, and exploitation are a daily reality for our communities.
Secondly, UNHCR has not delegated “the authority for issuing resettlement registration documents to Burmese groups based in Malaysia.”  Such groups have no control over the resettlement process from Malaysia.  In fact, resettlement to third countries from Malaysia is by no means guaranteed for people from Burma.
Thirdly, community-based organizations like the COBEM groups collect biographical data about newly-arrived members from their communities in Burma living all over Malaysia.  This information is then passed to the UNHCR, and added to UNHCR waiting lists for their registration and refugee status determination process, which assesses each individual’s claim for refugee status.
Each COBEM organization has a different system for collecting membership fees from their community members.  These nominal fees are used to provide a range of services to the ethnic communities.  Registered members are issued with a community card.  In the event of arrest, members can call on their community organizations to assist with negotiating their release wherever possible.  With the registration fees, COBEM organizations also provide a range of services to their communities, such as interpreters and assistance with medical fees in the event of hospitalization; support with finding employment; and education programs for children.
While a UNHCR card offers some protection for registered refugees, unfortunately it doesn’t prevent arrest or detention.  COBEM organizations compile lists of community and UNHCR-card holders held in detention camps, and send these to UNHCR.  UNHCR works to secure their release from detention facilities.
Refugee life in Malaysia is stressful and frustrating, as there can be a long wait for registration and refugee status determination by UNHCR, and not everyone’s claim is accepted by the agency. As the first point of contact for those who wish to claim refugee status, community-based organizations often bear the brunt of this frustration.  The unfounded accusations and inaccuracies contained in the Irrawaddy article undermine the important work that community-based organizations do to assist their community members.
The Irrawaddy has a strong reputation as an accurate, unbiased, independent news agency to protect. We therefore remind the Irrawaddy editorial team to carefully check the facts before publishing articles on the refugee situation in Malaysia.  We also kindly request the Irrawaddy to print this letter in response to the article, in the interests of balanced reporting.
Kennedy Lalram Lian
Coordinator

Coalition of Burma Ethnics, Malaysia (COBEM)

Kuala Lumpur

'Happy tears' as sisters meet

Two sisters were reunited for the first time in five years when 18 new refugees arrived at Nelson Airport yesterday.
Two families of six, a married couple, a father and son, and two orphaned young women from Myanmar's Chin state will start new lives in Nelson.
With her husband and four children, Dawt Iang Lianching joins her older sister Thluai Pai Chun, who has been living here since 2005.
The sisters exchanged tearful hugs and were soon joking with each other.
"She looks different – younger," said Mrs Lianching. "She looks different – older," shot back her older sister.
Speaking through Refugee Services cross-cultural worker Sui-Ting Cinzah, Mrs Lianching said she was happy to be in Nelson.
"I missed my sister, and I was so happy and my tears came down. These are happy tears."
Myanmar, formerly Burma, has spent decades in the grip of a military junta. Mrs Lianching had spent time in an asylum in Malaysia.
Mrs Chun said she had missed her family but was happy with her new life in Nelson. However, she had been so nervous before her sister's arrival that she couldn't sleep the night before.
"She was still in my mind. I can't forget her.
"I like Nelson. All the people are very nice to refugee people and we have lots of support people," she said.
She said the most difficult thing was the language barrier and "culture shock", but she was slowly overcoming them. "When I first got here, I really wanted to talk to other people but I couldn't speak, so I was really isolated. But I feel better now and I'm very happy now."
Refugee Services volunteer Anne Cameron said settling in was a difficult time.
Another intake of refugees is due in December, and Refugee Services needs new furniture for them. Call 5484978 if you can help or would like to be part of the new volunteer intake in February.

A different set of rules for Burmese refugees

Supalak Ganjanakhundee
The Nation (Thailand)
Publication Date : 14-10-2010
Thailand sounds like a very cruel country when the government says it will repatriate Burmese asylum-seekers after that country holds its first general election in two decades.
The Burmese military junta will hold the election on November 7, the first since the one in 1990 that Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won by a landslide but were not given the power by the top military brass.
The upcoming election is a move to turn the junta into a civilian government of sorts, but not necessarily introduce democracy as such. According to the junta-sponsored 2008 constitution, any and all Burmese governments come under the control of the military.
All the military officers, including incumbent Prime Minister Thein Sein, are doing is donning civilian attire to contest in the election on behalf of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.
Nobody believes the Burmese military will withdraw from politics, or give up their control of the economy and society.
Suu Kyi and her party are not allowed to participate in the election, and though she has been given the right to cast her ballot, she has decided to abstain.
Ethnic minorities along the Thai border also see this election as a sham. They believe that the election would give the junta more confidence to wield power, and they would launch a major offensive against the armed ethnic groups.
Major ethnic groups, such as the Shan State Army, Karen National Union and Karenni National Progressive Party are not participating in the election either. They turned down the junta's proposal to become border guards and instead vowed to continue their armed struggle.
Chief of the Karenni armed forces, Bee Htoo, said recently that he anticipated a big offensive after the election, but added that the minorities were preparing a strong resistance.
It appears as if conflict will only continue after the general election. Conflict between the Burmese military, the opposition and minorities has fuelled an influx of refugees into Thailand for decades.
About 110,000 asylum-seekers from Burma are being sheltered in nine camps along the borders. Most of them have been here since the 1988 uprising, when they failed to overthrow the military regime. About 10 per cent of these refugees have already been settled in other countries.
In addition, some 2 million people from Burma - classified as "migrant workers" - are either legally or illegally seeking jobs in Thailand. These migrants are a big headache for Thai authorities, but this "burden of proximity" cannot be avoided. Every time people in neighbouring countries have a problem, they have no other safe haven but Thailand. However, the people and the governments in this country need to treat them as human beings.
It is inhuman to push them out or chase them away. Of course, Thailand cannot shelter them forever either and they need to eventually return to their place of origin or find refuge in a third country.
Still, there's no excuse to repatriate them to a place where they could face further persecution, because it is pretty clear that the upcoming election will not bring peace to Burma.
Thailand's handling of refugees from the Indo-China conflict in the previous century suggests that nobody is sent home if the conflicts have not ended. Refugees from Cambodia, Laos and Viet Nam have never been shown the door, so why are the Burmese being pushed out while their home is still up in flames?

Burmese Refugees Arrested in Terengganu-Malaysia

By James,
21 Burmese refugees were arrested in Terenganu, Malaysia on Oct 11, 2010.
All of them are UNHCR recognized refugees and Rohingya ethnic of Burma. The raid started at 1:00am of mid-night, followed by local villagers.
Area based refugee representative, Mr Nezum said, they were lifted to Tenah Maerah detention camp which is the worst detention camp in Malaysia where UNHCR is not assessed. It was lucky that it numbered 21 Rohingyas only as many were escaped into the jungle.
Another raid joined by Municipal in Selayang-KL on 13 Oct 2010, swept about hundred migrants but unconfirmed how many refugees were involved.
Area based refugee representatives concern seriously for the primitive situation and urge concern quarter to play effective and fair role, including assistance of vulnerable refugee family and vulnerable over aged refugee.

UN urged ASEAN members to take tougher action on Myanmar.

UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon has warned Asian nations that their credibility could be damaged if it does not make a tough stand against Myanmar ahead of the upcoming November election.
Ban urged Myanmar's neighbors to take tougher action ahead of the meeting on Myanmar on Monday on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly.
The meeting will discuss human rights and humanitarian conditions and preparations for elections November 7, which according to the UK, U.S. and Canada will be held in stressful conditions.
The UN secretary general expressed increasing frustration with the junta, which prohibits the Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi and other opposition leaders participate in these elections.
Ban told the leaders of the 10-member ASEAN countries on Friday, the UN and the group wants to achieve stability and development in Myanmar.
"We agreed on the need for a democratic transition and national reconciliation, and ensure that elections be held freely, honestly and involve all parties," he said.
But he added: "If expectations are not met could damage the credibility of the process, which would spread the principles and values of the collective ASEAN."
Ban said the UN and ASEAN also should help Myanmar to enable them to handle the challenges of humanitarian and development.
ASEAN - which groups Brunei Darussalem, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam - have a strong principle of non-interference in domestic affairs of member states but Myanmar has become a source that can be embarrassing for members of more democratic block.
UN chief says he wants to cooperate with the military government was to assist a successful transition to civilian rule and democratic.
He highlighted the issue in talks with ASEAN leaders in New York including a new Philippines President Benigno Aquino.
"Mr. Ban stressed the importance of the involvement of Aquino on those countries in the region," said UN spokesman.
Ban this month expressed his disappointment regarding access to the authorities and expressed their worry on Myanmar junta's decision to ban the National League for Democracy led by Aung San Suu Kyi and nine other party vote.
President Barack Obama has also urged the ASEAN countries in one to have a lunch for them on the same day.
Washington admitted it was also not satisfied with the efforts to use dialogue in helping the realization of democratic change.
"The president believes about the importance of democratic reform and protection of human rights and repeated his call to Myanmar to conduct the process of national reconciliation," the U.S. statement said after the luncheon.
Obama called for the release of all political prisoners including Aung San Suu Kyi.
ASEAN leaders also called for free elections and welcomed the U.S. approach in Myanmar, hopes it can encourage the military government reform and economic-political reform.