Sunday, January 31, 2016

Myanmar ranked 147 on Corruption Perceptions Index





Photo: Hong Sar/Mizzima

Myanmar has been ranked 147 out of 168 countries in the 2015 edition of Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index. The country shares joint position with the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Chad.

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Overall, two-thirds of the 168 countries on the 2015 index scored below 50, on a scale from 0 (perceived to be highly corrupt) to 100 (perceived to be very clean). Myanmar had a score of 22 a slight increase from 21 the previous year.

“The 2015 Corruption Perceptions Index clearly shows that corruption remains a blight around the world. But 2015 was also a year when people again took to the streets to protest corruption. People across the globe sent a strong signal to those in power: it is time to tackle grand corruption,” said José Ugaz, Chair of Transparency International.

Grand corruption is the abuse of high-level power that benefits the few at the expense of the many and causes serious and widespread harm to individuals and society. It often goes unpunished.

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Brazil was the biggest decliner in the index, falling 5 points and dropping 7 positions to a rank of 76. The unfolding Petrobras scandal brought people into the streets in 2015 and the start of the judicial process may help Brazil stop corruption.

Denmark took the top spot for the 2nd year running, with North Korea and Somalia the worst performers, scoring just 8 points each.

Karaoke songs ring in end to Thein Sein era



Food and drinks fuelled an entertaining farewell to the Thein Sein government. 
Photo: Min Min/Mizzima

Belting out the lyrics "dreams may come true" in a jaunty a capella, a former top general serenaded lawmakers Friday as Myanmar's long-dominant military elite marked their exit from parliament with song and dance.

Swept from their seats by Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) party, outgoing army-backed MPs took a good-natured approach to their historic power transfer via a karaoke machine.

Parliament welcomed the handover to the Nobel laureate's MPs by throwing a party after its closing session Friday afternoon, complete with energetic dance routines by ethnic minority MPs and a host of voluble vocalists.

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"May you be healthy/May you be strong/ May you be joyful all your life long," crooned parliament speaker Shwe Mann, the junta's former number three who has become an unlikely ally of Suu Kyi's in the legislature despite his erstwhile position as leader of the rival ruling party.

"Dreams may come true," his English language song continued as he encouraged fellow MPs old and new to sing along to a tune he said he learned at school.

Suu Kyi had a front row seat and kicked off the festivities with a speech of warm congratulations to the outgoing lawmakers for paving the way for her party to take power.

The Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), an army proxy stuffed with former generals that has run Myanmar since 2011, has sought to respond with grace to stunning victory for Suu Kyi and her party in the November polls. 
'The Lady' did not sing

Its camaraderie is in stark contrast to the repression that characterised the junta years when Suu Kyi's party saw its 1990 election win snatched away by the generals and thousands of democracy activists faced prison and bloody crackdowns.

"The most important thing is unity. So I wrote a song about that, even though I have been very busy recently," Saw Hla Tun, a lower house USDP MP, told AFP before the event.

Other top performers included upper house speaker Khin Aung Myint, a USDP heavyweight who regaled parliament with jokes in his parting speech Friday, even complimenting "The Lady" as Suu Kyi is known in Myanmar on her looks.

Even the scores of unelected army MPs, who prop up the military's continuing political clout with a quarter of parliament seats, were not left out of the festivities.

One uniformed soldier took to the stage to sing a classic Myanmar song of chivalry and adventure, to the entertainment of the crowd.

While the vast majority of new NLD lawmakers who will take their seats on Monday have no previous experience in parliament, the party does boast poets and a rapper among the diverse professions of its MPs.

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Some NLD members took to the stage Friday for a colourful dance performance by ethnic minority MPs.

But while the afternoon did draw to a genial close, it was not over when "the Lady" sung - Suu Kyi did not put her musical talents on display.

(AFP)

Presidential permutations still a mystery in Myanmar

By AFP
On Saturday, 30 January 2016


As the military-dominated parliament cedes power to Aung San Suu Kyi's pro-democracy party, one fundamental question remains unanswered: Who will be Myanmar's next president?

Suu Kyi is the leader of the National League for Democracy (NLD) party and, armed with a massive popular mandate from November's election, she is the natural choice to lead the country.

But the democracy figurehead is barred from the presidency by a junta-era constitution.

"The Lady" as she is known in Myanmar has sought to sidestep that problem by vowing to rule "above" a proxy leader, whose identity remains a mystery.

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With few clues to go on just days before an expected announcement, here are some names that have spun out in the speculation: 

Tin Oo

The patron of the NLD commands huge respect in Myanmar. He is a founding member of the pro-democracy party following mass protests in 1988 that ended in a bloody crackdown.

Having previously served as the commander of the army under the government of strongman Ne Win, he also has the "defence vision" qualification stipulated for the president in the constitution.

But the frail former political prisoner, who is nearly 90, has shown little enthusiasm to lead the nation, telling the Irrawaddy news website last year: "I have never wanted to be president".

Tin Myo Win

Suu Kyi's charismatic family doctor was one of the few people allowed to see her during her some 15 years of house arrest under the junta.

He heads the NLD National Health Network and remains a close confidant, even attending crucial talks with army chief Min Aung Hlaing on Monday.

But the 64-year-old lacks the military background that could endear him to the still-powerful army.

He also already has a day job as the chief surgeon of Yangon's busy Muslim Free Hospital.

Aung San Suu Kyi

No one in Myanmar comes close to filling the Nobel laureate's shoes in terms of popularity and political clout, so many still think the 70-year-old can cut a path to the presidency.

For that she would need to convince the military to agree to change the constitution. 

It still controls a quarter of parliament's seats and has an effective charter amendment veto. 

Suu Kyi, whose independence hero father is considered the founder of Myanmar's modern army, has sought to smooth thorny relations with the military in recent months.

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But the military has thus far staunchly rejected any significant constitutional amendment. 

Observers say a deal on this would have to involve a hefty sweetener to reassure the army that its huge political and economic powers are not under threat.

WildcardsIn a near empty field of candidates, spectators have begun scanning the stands. 

Elected NLD MP Su SuLwin, daughter of the party's former secretary has been touted as a potential. So has her husband HtinKyaw, a schoolmate of Suu Kyi. 

The NLD's wily spokesman Win Htein has also seen his name raised, despite saying last year that he would not run for a parliamentary seat due to age and health problems. 

Even Shwe Mann, the current parliamentary speaker and former junta number three, has been tipped for the job. Though the move would probably outrage the NLD's electoral base and seems unlikely to appease a military apparently displeased by his closeness to Suu Kyi.

How a forgotten British captain is a hero in Myanmar

Image copyrightPeter Bankes

In World War Two, British Capt Peter Robert Sandham Bankes led a company of Chin tribesmen in Burma - now known as Myanmar - in repelling the Japanese advance on the nearby border with India. He was killed in those remote hills 72 years ago, but as journalist Mark Fenn found, he remains a hero in the eyes of local people.

Editor's note: Mark Fenn completed this piece for the BBC shortly before he died suddenly in Thailand last week - it is published here with the permission of his family.

When the Japanese invaded Burma in 1942, many Burmese initially supported them, seeing them as liberators from the hated British colonial rule.

But in the Frontier Areas, hill tribes such as the Chin, Kachin, Karen and Karenni remained fiercely loyal to the British. Many were Christian, and had been favoured by the colonial authorities.


Image copyrightGetty 
A British soldier escorts a captured Japanese sniper in Pegu, Burma - British troops were seen by many Burmese hill tribes as having protected them from Japanese brutality

As the Japanese advanced, British soldiers and civilians were forced to retreat to India. But a few officers volunteered to stay behind, while others later trekked or were parachuted in to help raise guerrilla armies in the hill-tribe areas.

These included men like Lt Col Edgar Peacock in the Karenni hills and Major Hugh Seagrim in the Karen lands - brave and often eccentric men with a great deal of respect for the local cultures and the troops they led.

Lt Col Peacock was an old Burma hand with a deep knowledge of the terrain he worked in, a keen hunter and early wildlife photographer.

Maj Seagrim - also the son of a Norfolk clergyman - was nicknamed Grandfather Longlegs by the Karen for his lanky physique.

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He was a devout Christian who "often said that he would sooner be a postman in Norfolk than a general in India", according to the author of his 1947 biography, the Australian journalist Ian Morrison.

Both won admiration and respect from their men, and are fondly remembered in the areas they served in to this day.

Capt Bankes was another. The son of a Norfolk clergyman, he read forestry at Oxford, where he rowed for the university and helped to run a camp for unemployed men from the East End of London.

After graduating he took a job with the Bombay Burmah Trading Corporation, which had large interests in teak in northern Burma.
'Long legs and bounding energy'

In 1940, back in the UK on leave, he married 19-year-old Pearl and they sailed from Liverpool to Rangoon - now Yangon - in October that year.

After being awarded a warrant in the Army of Burma Reserve of Officers, he was attached to the Chin Levies, a ragtag group of tribesmen charged with stopping the Japanese advance on India.


Image copyrightMark FellImage 
Peter Bankes managed to raise the funds to travel to Myanmar to find the resting place of his father

His son Peter, who is now 71, from Salisbury in the UK, says that at the time, they were provided with muzzle-loading flintlock rifles from the Boer War, and also armed themselves with swords, knives and spears.

Later they were provided with Lee Enfield rifles and used weapons taken from enemy soldiers they had ambushed and killed as they waged guerrilla warfare against the Japanese in the mountainous region.

"He became known as the 'Chin Express' due to being the fastest climber in the hills, with his long legs and bounding energy," said Peter.

"The Chin warriors played a great part in holding hundreds of miles of frontline, and preventing the enemy from crossing into India."

But Capt Bankes didn't live to see the end of the war.

He was shot and killed in November 1943 by a renegade Chin soldier he had reprimanded twice for sleeping while on sentry duty - the soldier went off to collect his reward from the Japanese.

Capt Bankes was just 32 years old, and for his service in the Chin hills he was posthumously awarded the Military Cross for "gallant and distinguished service in Burma and on the Eastern Frontier of India".
Tracking down a local legend

Meanwhile, his pregnant wife Pearl had fled to India, where she was active in the newly-formed Women's Auxiliary Service of Burma, providing crucial support for troops. She was herself mentioned in dispatches for distinguished service in May 1944.

Image copyrightReutersImage captionMyanmar has been opening up in recent years since the end of military rule

Peter was born in Assam, India, in July that year, and returned to England when he was around a year old. There were still connections with Burma - his godfather was the British soldier and elephant expert James Howard Williams, also known as Elephant Bill, who was known for his work in the teak industry and the Burma campaign.

But after the war and Burmese independence, the country became increasingly poor and isolated under successive military regimes.

Myanmar has opened up in recent years, and last November held elections won by the National League for Democracy, led by Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.

With the country becoming more open and accessible, Peter planned a trip and decided to find out more about his father. He was helped by various people, including members of the small British charity Help for Forgotten Allies.

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"We are striving to raise financial support for the surviving old soldiers of the hill tribes of Burma - the Chin, Karen, Kachin etc," said board member Peter Mitchell.

"The hill peoples fought so courageously for Great Britain against the brutal Japanese invasion of Burma in World War II. They loyally supported Britain, at our time of gravest peril, with great bravery and at huge and continuing cost to themselves.

"They are now in the greatest need towards the end of their lives."

Another great help was retired psychiatrist Desmond Kelly, who has written a book about the campaign in the Chin hills based on the letters of his own father, Lt Col Norman Kelly, a friend and comrade of Capt Bankes

.
Image copyrightMark FennImage captionCapt Bankes's picture is on proud display at the school in Tiddim

He put Peter in touch with the Rev Thang Khawm Pau, a Baptist minister and headmaster of a school in the town of Tiddim.
Mount of Gentleman Bankes

The Chin people are very grateful to the British, who built roads and saved them from the Japanese during the war, the reverend says. Japanese soldiers had a reputation for brutality during the Burma campaign and were widely feared.

The minister made extensive enquiries and told Peter his father's grave was located about 30 miles north (48km), in the deserted village of Lampthang.


An elderly resident of a nearby village told him the location was known as "Bank manga mual", which roughly translates as the "Mount of Gentleman Bankes" in the Chin language.

With some friends, he visited the grave and took three scraps of bone, which a visiting Briton helped take back to Peter in England.

Experts say they appear to be from a human heel and ankle, but they would probably be unable to carry out conclusive DNA tests.
Reunited in death

However, Peter is sure the bones are from his father, as he believes he was the only British or Commonwealth soldier killed and buried in the area during the war.

Image copyrightMark FennImage 

The unveiling of a plaque for Capt Bankes in a cemetery outside Yangon was attended by local officials and some curious tourists

When his mother Pearl died in June last year, at the age of 94, he placed the bones in a velvet sack along with some earth from the Chin hills, and the undertaker placed it in her hand - thus reuniting them in death, 72 years apart.

And when Peter visited Tiddim in January last year with his wife, Jennie, he was astonished to hear that his father is considered a local hero there, with several photographs of him displayed in a local school and pupils urged to honour the man who is said to have sacrificed his life for the Chin people.

Although he couldn't visit the grave itself, as the area is off-limits to foreigners, Peter was happy to see where his father had served.

"We were about five miles from my father's grave, and I was right in an area where he operated, and indeed he probably used this route on his regular trips on foot back to Tiddim for briefings," he said.
'Now at rest'

Peter returned to Myanmar in November and attended a Remembrance Sunday service at the Taukkyan War Cemetery outside Yangon, where his father's grave is listed as unknown on a stone pillar

.
Image copyrightMark Fenn

The plaque secures Capt Bankes place in the history of the war in Burma

Afterwards, he unveiled a simple bronze plaque on a stone plinth, paying tribute to Captain P.R.S Bankes, MC, "beloved husband of Pearl and father of Peter. Lost but never forgotten and now at rest".

He was expecting a small, private ceremony but to his surprise he was joined by the British ambassador, some tourists and a group of foreign diplomats who had just attended the main remembrance service for those lost in Burma during World War Two.

"I have to say, I was gobsmacked," he said afterwards. "I thought I was just going to have a little ceremony and I couldn't believe it when I saw all the ambassadors there. That was the icing on the cake, there's no doubt about it."

It was a "very emotional few minutes", said Peter, himself a former Royal Marine, as he remembered the father he never met at the end of his long quest.

"I believe that he can now, at last, rest in peace."

-BBC 


Friday, January 29, 2016

BURMESE REFUGEES IN THAILAND & MALAYSIA


Source: ICMC 


Prolonged conflict in Burma (Myanmar) has led to one of the most protracted refugee situations in Asia. For over 50 years, the Burmese military regime has persecuted many of the country’s numerous ethnic and minority groups, many of whom have sought greater autonomy from the Burmese state. Burma’s human rights situation remains poor, despite some actions by the government toward reform.

Burmese refugees in Malaysia


As of January 2014, 92,263 Burmese refugees were registered in Malaysia. The Burmese refugee population in Malaysia is entirely urban, with most living in or around major cities. This population is made up of ethnic Burmese minorities who fled persecution by the former military regime, mainly the Chin, Karen and Mon groups. The Burmese refugee population in Malaysia also includes a large group of Rohingya, a Muslim minority from Burma’s northern Rakhine State that suffers routine discrimination and abuse by the Burmese government. Peace negotiations with armed ethnic groups are ongoing, and prospects for voluntary return are therefore expected to improve in 2013-14. However, continuous persecution and instability in some parts of Burma mean voluntary repatriation is still not a realistic prospect for the majority of Burmese refugees in Malaysia.

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Prospects for local integration are also extremely limited. Malaysia is not a signatory to the 1951 Convention or its 1967 Protocol, and has no national asylum legal framework or system (RSD is instead conducted by UNHCR). Urban environments can in some cases offer more opportunities for self reliance and better prospects for integration. However, the 1963 Malaysian Immigration Act does not distinguish between refugees and undocumented migrants, and without a protected legal status refugees are at constant risk of arrest, detention and deportation. Refugees are unable to work legally, send their children to school, or access healthcare or social services.

For 2014, UNHCR plans to submit 14,150 Burmese refugees for resettlement from Malaysia, contributing to making it the country with the highest number of resettlement submissions worldwide planned for 2014. Total resettlement needs are 123,760 Burmese refugees. In addition to annual intakes by Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the US have multi-year resettlement commitments with regard to this population.

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European countries including Czech Republic, Denmark, Norway and Sweden have resettled Burmese refugees. Identification of resettlement needs is challenging due to the urban context, although UNHCR accepts referrals for resettlement assessment from refugee communities and NGOs, particularly those involved in health and community services in urban settings.

Certain NGOs have pointed out that resettlement from Malaysia should be used more strategically and be used to promote an adequate protection system in Malaysia, where most refugees have remained in this protracted situation for decades without a durable solution in sight.

Burmese refugees in Thailand

Since their arrival in Thailand in the 1980s, Burmese refugees have been confined to nine closed camps – known as ‘temporary shelters’ - along the Thai-Burma border. Access to these camps is regulated by the Thai government. As of January 2014, 77,913 Burmese refugees were registered as having been admitted to the nine camps. Since 2006, the registration and admission system in the camps has not been fully functional, and approximately 46,000 camp residents are estimated to be unregistered. Unregistered camp residents are ineligible for resettlement. UNHCR conducts RSD for asylum seekers living in Bangkok except for Burmese refugees who are required by the government to report to the camps on the border.

Most camp residents are ethnic Karen who fled conflict with the military regime in Burma. Following national elections in Burma in November 2010, new clashes between armed ethnically affiliated groups and the Burmese army erupted along the Thai-Burma border, leading to the rapid arrival of a further 16,000-18,000 refugees from Burma. While recent ceasefire agreements between ethnic armed groups and the Burmese government have presented some limited possibilities for a resolution to these conflicts, it is not clear when - or even if - the situation will improve. Many Karen refugees are subsequently reluctant to take upvoluntary repatriation at the current time, and it therefore remains limited as a durable solution in this context.

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Thailand is not a signatory to the 1951 Convention and has no national legislation governing the treatment of refugees. Burmese nationals, found living outside of the camps, are subject to arrest, detention and deportation. The basic rights of refugees in Thailand are severely limited - they have no access to medical services and they do not have the right to work – meaning local integration is impossible. To date, resettlement has been the only durable solution that offers adequate protection for Burmese refugees in Thailand.

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Resettlement began in 2005 and has since provided a durable solution for more than 80,000 Burmese refugees in Thailand. UNHCR has projected a total resettlement need for Burmese refugees in Thailand of 4,000 persons, and plans to submit 3,500 refugees for resettlement in 2014. Although resettlement from Thailand has been conducted for over seven years, it has not led to an improvement in the protection climate in Thailand. UNHCR is in the process of phasing out resettlement and no longer lists it as a priority for 2014.

Photo: Nam DarBu, Burmese (Karen) refugee living in Kuala Lumpar. ©Andrew McConnel/Panos Pictures/The IRC

Wednesday, January 27, 2016

The numbers tell a shocking tale of Myanmar Refugees



Two months ago, the world was shocked to discover the persecution endured by the Rohingya ethnic group, which drove many of them to seek asylum in several Southeast Asian countries. The majority of the boat refugees came from Myanmar.

But the refugee problem could be worse. Consider these statistics provided by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees: Myanmar’s stateless people are estimated to number 810,000, most of them Rohingya, who are not recognized by the government. In 2012, violence in Rakhine State forced around 140,000 people, including the Rohingya, to flee their homes. Meanwhile, the number of internally displaced persons across the country has already reached 374,000. Refugees who are originally from Myanmar are pegged at 479,706, while those seeking asylum number 48,053. Temporary camps along the Thai border have been established for some 120,000 refugees from Myanmar.

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The rising number of IDPs is alarming, especially in Kachin State and northern Shan State, with more than 100,000 IDPs already displaced and in need of continued humanitarian assistance.

The Kachin IDPs have been living in makeshift camps near the Chinese border ever since the resumption of hostilities between government soldiers and Kachin rebels four years ago. The Kachin struggle for independence sparked one of the longest civil wars in the world between 1961 and 1994. A ceasefire agreement was signed in 1994, lasted 17 years and was nullified only when clashes resumed in 2011.

Last week marked the fourth year of the civil war. It became an occasion for civil society groups and international aid organizations to highlight the plight of the IDPs and to call for a renewal of the peace talks.

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Lahpai Seng Raw, co-founder of the Metta Development Foundation, which delivers assistance to many IDPs in Kachin, narrated the suffering of the IDPs: “Some have gone through multiple displacements, fleeing from one camp to another. Some who stayed close by to be able to go back and check on their homes, livestock and farms are in particular peril, as they are often caught in the crossfire of two warring armies.”

She also warned that aid reduction is worsening the conditions in the camps. “As the war enters its fourth year, the fatigue factor is settling in with donors, social organizations and host communities who have been looking after them for so long. Currently, the threat of food shortage is very real in IDP camps,” she said.

Mary Tawm, a Kachin aid worker of Wunpawng Ninghtoi, added that desperation is already prevalent in the camps: “There are some victims who do not want to live anymore because they have lost their loved ones. Many elderly persons and some others are suffering from mental trauma, they feel hopeless. The number of students who no longer want to continue their education has increased.”

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Responding to these reports, 56 solidarity groups from around the world signed a joint statement urging the government to end the military offensives in north Myanmar and allow the unhindered humanitarian assistance to the IDPs. They also accused the government of duplicity, claiming that it “continues to use its rhetoric of peace and reform to invite donors and investors to continue to fund the peace talks and development projects” but refuses to withdraw troops from the ethnic areas.

The Rohingya boat refugee crisis has alerted the world to the failure of the Myanmar government to embark on a democratic transition while guaranteeing the rights of various ethnic groups. Meanwhile, the continued displacement of Kachin residents underscores the importance of pursuing the peace talks that have been initiated in the past. An immediate ceasefire is needed to give relief to affected residents. It is no solution to end the war but it can save lives by ending the suffering of those living in the camps.

http://thediplomat.com

125,000 Myanmar refugees granted legal residency

A passport officer records biometric details of a Burmese child. — Courtesy photo


Saudi Gazette report

JEDDAH — More than 125,000 refugees from Myanmar have been issued four-year resident permits, clarifying the status of more than half of the 250,000-strong Burmese community currently living in the Kingdom.

The permits were issued by the Passport Department in the Makkah province. Permits for the remaining refugees are currently being processed.



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The government began correcting the legal status of refugees from Myanmar (erstwhile Burma) two years ago, and the UN has applauded the efforts as a pioneering move by Saudi Arabia.

The Saudi government said it issued the free resident permits to the Myanmar refugees on humanitarian grounds, irrespective of race, religion or language.
“Those who obtain resident permits will be qualified to receive free medical treatment and school education as well as jobs,” said an informed source, requesting anonymity.

The head of the correction committee, Col. Mohammed Maqbool, and spokesman for the Passport Department in the Makkah region, Col. Mohammed Al-Hussain, both spoke about the measures taken to legalize the status of refugees.



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“Resident permits are issued following a series of measures. First, we make sure they have not involved in any criminal activity,” Maqbool said. “Second, we collect their personal information by asking them to fill the necessary forms. Third, we ask them to present medical fitness certificates.”

Residency applicants need an attested document from the Labor Office to prove they are working for a company.

If they are working for an individual, they should meet the necessary requirements in terms of financial capability and number of family members.
“If the applicant’s identity is unknown and there is no information about him or her in the Interior Ministry’s computer system, basic information about them is recorded in the system along with information about the sponsor before issuing the four-year resident permit,” Maqbool said.



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Refugees whose identity is confirmed by documents and their data is recorded in the department’s computer system will undergo background, police and security checks.

According to the department, if their checks are clear, refugees will have their sponsorship transferred to a new employer and they will receive a four-year resident card.

A delegation from the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) visited the Kingdom recently to study the Saudi experience in formalizing the residential status of refugees from Myanmar.

The UN team described the Kingdom’s experience with the Burmese community as a model that could be used by other countries.

The acting regional representative of UNHCR in the GCC, Nabil Othman, said he appreciated Saudi Arabia’s efforts to rectify the residential status of thousands of Myanmar refugees.

Thursday, January 14, 2016

Recent visit confirms deportation fears


Myanmar (MNN) — Hopelessness is rising among refugees in Thailand as threats of deportation loom. According to Vision Beyond Borders (VBB), plans are underway to send thousands of ethnic minorities back to Myanmar (also known as Burma) in 2017.


Burma Army

“They’re doing this based on the fact that [Myanmar’s] government is showing all these democratic reforms and changes. They [Thailand’s government] hope that this means the refugees will then be safe,” VBB’s Dyann Romeijn explains.

“All the information coming from the ethnic areas, where there’s still fighting, [shows] that they would not be safe,” she adds.

Myanmar’s leaders may have inched toward democracy, Romeijn explains, but the armed forces are a different matter.

“The Burma Army has gained so much power that it’s difficult to control them. The military…[is] not really answering to the government,” says Romeijn.

“[There are] not only ongoing atrocities against the people, but in some cases, it’s actually increasing. In the last two months of 2015, there were an additional 10,000 people displaced by the Burma Army attacking ethnic groups.”
The target of deportation threats

According to the U.S. State Department, an estimated 150,000 refugees from Burma live in nine refugee camps along the Thai-Burma border. Many of the refugee children have stories like Mila’s.


Representative photo
(Photo courtesy of VBB)

Mila* is a young girl living in one of the camps along the Thai-Burma border. She belongs to an ethnic group hated by Burmese militants who hunted for Mila and her family when they lived inside Burma’s borders.

“They had fled, and only her and one cousin ended up making it to the camps,” Romeijn shares. “Everybody else was killed while they were trying to flee.”

Mila’s cousin drowned last month, leaving Mila to face the world without a family. Would you please keep her in your prayers? Pray that Mila will find the immediate and eternal comfort of salvation through Jesus Christ, if she doesn’t already know Him.

Deportation threats have created an atmosphere of fear and uncertainty within refugee camps along the Thailand-Myanmar border. There’s been a noted “suicide spike” in the camps of late. While deportation threats aren’t the cause of all suicides, they’re certainly a contributing factor.

A VBB short-term missions team visited one of these refugee camps in recent days. Along with confirming deportation fears, Romeijn says the team learned of 36 suicides committed since August.

The trickle-down effect of fear and despair is making a lasting impression on young hearts and minds.

“Many of [the children] wrote us notes,” Romeijn shares, referring to the residents of achildren’s home supported by VBB. Through the children’s home, kids are learning how to read and write in English.

“[They wrote:] ‘Please don’t forget me,’ and ‘I will never forget you.’ I love you’, and ‘I can tell you love people,’ and things like that. It’s heartbreaking, and you can just hear their plea to not be forgotten.”


Refugee kids worshipping the Lord.
(Photo courtesy VBB)

The camp Romeijn and her team visited currently holds more than 18,000 refugees from Myanmar. Of those, over 125 are children; 90 kids have no living adult relative.

Vision Beyond Borders’ partners are trying to get these vulnerable kids to safety before the Thai government drives refugees out in 2017, Romeijn says. A piece of land has been purchased in Myanmar, and plans are underway to construct a new children’s home for the refugee kids coming from Thailand.



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The cost to bring children from Thailand to Myanmar is expected to run somewhere around $5,000. Click here to help.

“Ahead of [the exodus] they want to get these kids out so that if the army is going to attack people…these orphans would not be attacked.”

* Name changed for security purposes.

www.mnnonline.org

Thailand's Junta Has Gone to the Dogs

Thailand is ending the year with a series of disappointments on rights.


A factory worker in Thailand was arrested by authorities for defaming the king’s dog on Facebook.

Before we tackle this bizarre case, we should start with the original controversy: the corruption scandal surrounding the construction of the Rajabhakti Park.

In 2014, the army built seven giant statues of prominent kings in honor of the monarchy. Last month, reports alleged that the project was overpriced and that large kickbacks were given to several officials. The army ordered a probe into the claim but it quickly denied that the project was tainted with corruption.

When this was exposed, many demanded accountability from the junta which seized power in 2014 ostensibly to end corruption in the bureaucracy. To prevent activists and opposition groups from using the park as a staging ground of anti-junta protests, the government ordered the closure of the park for “maintenance.”

But the junta, it seems, was not satisfied with this measure. Last year, on December 8, Thanakorn Siripaiboon was arrested for “liking” and “sharing” an infographic explaining the military’s involvement in the project. Thanakorn was charged with sedition and violating the Computer Crimes Act. The junta warned that other Facebook users who promoted the ‘”anti-government” infographic will be arrested too.

For several days, Thanakorn’s whereabouts were unknown. While his friends were searching for him, a young activist recuperating in a hospital was arrested by the police for committing the same crime. The activist was part of a group which tried to visit the Rajabhakti Park but was blocked by state forces.

It is clear to all that the aim of the junta is to silence the critics of corruption that still persists under its watch. But it has tried to muddle the issue by slapping the activists with a lese majeste case.

On December 14, proceedings in the military court revealed that Thanakorn was also accused of a lese majeste violation. How did Thanakorn insult the monarchy? According to the prosecutor, Thanakorn “shared” a doctored photo of the king on Facebook as well as one that mocked Thong Daeng, one of the pet dogs of the king. Curiously, details of the “illegal” Facebook content were not provided.

If found guilty, Thanakorn can receive a prison sentence of up to 27 years.

This incident once again highlights the need to reform Thailand’s outdated lese majeste law. The law is meant to protect the monarchy but it has been used to justify or hide government repression and other forms of abuses.

Even The Nation, a Thai, English language newspaper, published an editorial describing the lese majeste law as “indefensible.”

“Rather than protecting the institute of the monarchy as intended, the law has been wielded by each successive government in the past decade as a blunt instrument for silencing political opponents,” the editorial declared.

It added that the right to dissent should not be criminalized. “Citizens expressing an opinion, no matter how politically charged, should not be jailed for three years.”

The recent filing of lese majeste cases against government critics and the threat of more cases being filed in the next few days or weeks reflect the deteriorating conditions of democracy in Thailand. While this issue is being deliberated, the former army chief and current prime minister Prayut Chan-o-cha wanted citizens to write their salaries and jobs on their national ID cards; a proposal which was instantly rejected by many. Fortunately, the government backtracked. But it showed how Thailand’s leaders could easily tinker with the people’s constitutional rights.

Instead of prosecuting corrupt officials implicated in the Rajabhakti Park scandal, the junta chose to protect its ranks while putting a gag on critics and ordinary citizens who merely wish to voice their opinion.


Meanwhile, in related news, a senior police official is seeking asylum in Australia after investigating the role of high ranking officers in the human trafficking operation in Thailand. Learning from the sad story of Thanakorn, perhaps only few will ‘like’ or ‘share’ this news item in Thailand because it can be interpreted as a seditious act.

Suffice to say, this is a disappointing way to end the year in Thailand.

Thailand’s Migrant Worker Woes Exposed in Koh Tao Murder Case




Migrant workers in Thailand are discriminated against, scapegoated, vulnerable to exploitation, and human rights abuses. One illustration of this is the tragic murder of tourists Hannah Witheridge and David Miller British which took place on September 15, 2014 on Koh Tao Island. On December 24, two Myanmar migrant workers Zaw Lin and Wei Phyo, were found guilty by the Samui Provincial Court and were sentenced to death. Both men could be put to death. Though Thailand has not executed anyone since 2009, there are more than 450 prisoners on death row.

The murder investigation was criticized due to the alleged torture of both Myanmar migrant workers and mishandling of evidence by Thai police. Koh Tao is a famous tourist destination and the island is especially popular among backpackers and scuba divers. The police and authorities had been under immense pressure to solve the case quickly because it threatened the country’s tourism industry.

Migrant Workers Rights Network (MWRN) has been part of the team helping the two Myanmar migrants in the Koh Tao murder case. Their work has led to the awareness of systematic and serious violations of labor rights and protection of migrant workers on Koh Tao and its neighboring islands of Koh Samui and Koh Phangan. On Koh Tao, MWRN found cases of migrant workers who were physically abused by law enforcement officials. Migrants were taken to the police station for extortion and abused by hotel supervisors during working hours.

Andy Hall, international Advisor to MWRN and apart of the Koh Tao defense team, told The Diplomat on January 5 in an interview that the “conditions in the [Thai] tourism industry are very abus[ive] towards migrants.” “There is systematic abuse…it’s a complete mess,” he went on to add.

Meanwhile, Dr. Pornthip Rojanasunand, a Thai forensic scientist and head of the Thai Forensics Institute, testified that there was mishandling of the DNA evidence. She told judges the DNA samples found on the murder weapon, a hoe, did not match the defendants’.

A source that wished to remain anonymous also told The Diplomat that Thai DNA experts have questioned weather the police lab responsible for testing had its ISO17025 certification (general requirements for the competence of testing) at the time of analysis of the forensic samples. The source went on tell The Diplomat that the British government and the investigation team was not properly “briefed on the nature of the DNA and forensics paperwork and irregularities behind them.”

“The Thai authorities cannot just wish away the uninvestigated allegations of torture by police and serious concerns about the DNA evidence used to convict these two men and sentence them to death,” Phil Robertson, the deputy director of Human Rights Watch’s Asia division, told The Diplomat in Bangkok.

The verdict of the Koh Tao case was met with criticism and protest. The street protest in Myanmar kept the embassy closed on January 5, with a statement released saying that it “remain closed due to ongoing demonstrations.”

Hacker group Anonymous released a video on January 3 condemning the Koh Tao verdict. The 40-minute video accuses the Thai police of “scapegoating” 22-year-old Zaw Lin and Win Zaw Htun. In the video, Anonymous called on tourists to boycott Thailand. The Thai police website was also hacked and shutdown on January 5, an act allegedly perpetrated by a Myanmar hacktivist group coordinating with Anonymous.

In their video, Anonymous said that the group “has learned that the Thai police have accused innocent people before, and would rather blame foreigners or migrants for such crimes so as to protect their tourism industry”.According to the Bangkok Post, hacked websites showed an image of a white mask and said, “Blink Hacker Group, Failed Law, We want Justice and Greetz Myanmar Black Hats”.

Myanmar’s ambassador to Thailand Win Maung appointed the Lawyers Council of Thailand (LCT) to launch an appeal in a higher court. The government of Myanmar has also offered to fund the council, even though LCT does not take money for pro bono cases. Min Aung Hlaing, the head of Myanmar military, urged Thailand to “review the evidence.”

“This is now coming closer to home as those in the international community and media who have been raising serious doubts about this verdict have now been joined by key leaders in Burma, including the NCPO’s erstwhile ally, Burma army commander Gen. Min Aung Hlaing,” Robertson told The Diplomat.

More broadly, this case, and others like it, shows the lack of justice and agency migrants have in Thailand. There are over four million migrants living in Thailand today, with the majority from Myanmar, Cambodia, and the Laos. Migrants make up around 10 per cent of Thailand’s workforce including construction, agriculture, manufacturing, fishing and tourism. Yet some 400,000 migrants are at risk of deportation and trafficking in Thailand.

While the environment in Thailand has long been dangerous for migrants, it has become even more so under the current government National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO). Thai premier Prayut Chan-o-cha was furious when asked about protests in Myanmar against the verdict, according to The Nation.

The NCPO has had harsh polices toward migrant workers in Thailand. In 2014, after the NCPO took over in a coup d’état, the Migrant Working Group (MWG) released a joint statement calling for the government to “stop the crackdowns, arrest and suppression of migrant workers.” Adisorn Kerdmongkol, a representative for MWG, told The Diplomat in an interview that the government should let migrants form labor unions (Thai law does not let migrants form unions themselves to collectively organize or voice grievances).

The Thai government is also blocking content that is critical of the authorities handling of the murder case. For example, the website and articles by Andrew Drummond, a British independent journalist covering Southeast Asia, on the Koh Tao murder case and others has been censored by the Ministry of Information and Communication Technology.

The Koh Tao murder case clearly shows clearly that Thailand has a long way to go when it comes to upholding migrant worker labor rights and protection. “It is deeply disturbing that this case came to trial without an independent investigation of the two Burmese men’s claims that they were tortured by police into ‘confessing,’” Champa Patel, Amnesty International’s director for Southeast Asia and the Pacific, told The Diplomat.

“It’s also important to remember that this case is just the tip of the iceberg – torture in detention in Thailand is rife….It is high time for Thai authorities to make a genuine effort to stamp out this abhorrent practice” Patel added.

John Quinley III is a Bangkok-based researcher focused on human rights, refugees, migrants, and development in Southeast Asia, particularly Myanmar and Thailand.

http://thediplomat.com

Witnesses in hiding and victims in detention as Thai human trafficking trial continues



A check point is seen at the entry point to Malaysia - Thailand border in Wang Kelian, Malaysia near where graves were found at trafficking camps last year. 

LAST year’s crackdown on the trafficking of Rohingya refugees from Burma (Myanmar), and the subsequent discovery of mass graves athuman trafficking camps hidden among the jungles of Southern Thailand led to the arrest of 91 individuals who are now standing trial in Bangkok.

The trial, which began at the Bangkok Criminal Court on November 10, 2015, continued last week with preliminary witness testimony. Officials predict the trial could last as long as two years.

While the crackdown on traffickers appears to have, at least temporarily, disrupted the traffickers’ lucrative business, there are concerns about this trial and in particular the safety and treatment of the witnesses and victims.

Threats made towards the key witnesses in this high-profile trial made international headlines in December when the lead investigator, Pol Maj-General Paween Pongsirin, quit the police force and fled to Australia, claiming his life was in danger for having exposed powerful individuals and crime syndicates. He is currently in Australia seeking asylum.


Speaking to the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, Paween also claimed his investigation had been hindered by highly influential people who were, “involved in running the human trafficking”. In reply to these accusations National Police Chief General Chakthip Chaijinda said the police were considering suing Paweenfor his remarks which had damaged Thailand’s reputation.

The 91 individuals who are now facing trial as a result of Paween’s investigation include an army lieutenant-general, Lt Gen Manas Kongpan, senior police officers, local politicians and local business figures. They are accused of trafficking more than 100 ethnic Rohingya and Bangladeshis from Burma and Bangladesh to Thailand, holding them for ransom under abusive conditions, and facilitating their onward movement to Malaysia. They face charges for violating the 2013 Anti-Participation in Organized Crime Act, the 2008 Anti-Trafficking in Persons Act, the 1979 Immigration Act, the 1947 Firearms, Ammunition, Explosive Articles and Fireworks and Imitation of Firearms Act, and the Criminal Code, which could result in a maximum sentence of death or life imprisonment.

NGOs and human rights organizations believe that transnational criminal syndicates have been trafficking Rohingya from Burma and Bangladesh through Thailand for years, with tens of thousands of refugees taking the treacherous journey each year to escape state-sanctioned persecution in Burma.

Rohingya migrants wait to be be rescued by Acehnese fishermen on their boat on the sea off East Aceh, Indonesia last year. Pic: AP.

While a proportion of these refugees eventually make it to Malaysia successfully, many more find themselves sold into slavery aboard Thai fishing boats. The successful prosecution of individuals profiting from these human rights abuses is an essential step towards ending modern day slavery in Southeast Asia’s fishing industries.

The evidence in this trafficking case includes witnesses testimony from investigators, 80 Rohingya and Bangladeshi survivors of human trafficking, as well as the 36 unidentified bodies exhumed from mass graves near human trafficking jungle camps which were uncovered by Thai authorities on May 1, 2015.

However some key witnesses have been forced into hiding out of fear for their lives and of the approximately 500 witnesses scheduled to testify, only 12 are receiving formal protection under the Ministry of Justice. There are concerns that intimidation by powerful individuals could disrupt the course of justice. As Amy Smith, executive director of human rights group Fortify Rights explains, “Powerful actors are trying to muzzle witnesses and keep them in fear for their lives.”

An example of this intimidation comes from one key witness, known by his pseudonym, “Mohammed Razam”, who supported the police investigation and claims to have intimate knowledge of the trafficking of refugees in the region. He told Fortify Rights: “I was threatened to leave the country, and I was told to stay out of the trafficking case.” “Mohammed” is now in hiding following these alleged threats.



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Meanwhile, other witnesses, including the victims and survivors of human trafficking, are confined to shelters operated by the Ministry of Social Development and Human Security. Thai government officials confirmed that Rohingya survivors of human trafficking must remain in the shelters until they are resettled to a third country. Having been rescued from human traffickers, these survivors now find themselves denied freedom of movement and the right to liberty. These individuals now face an uncertain future, and may be forced to return to Burma only to face further persecution.

“Confining people to shelters is not the same as protection,” said Amy Smith. “Thai authorities are subjecting survivors of trafficking to further abuses, while expecting the international community to praise them for it. It doesn’t work that way. If Thailand wants to combat human trafficking, it should prioritize protection for survivors.”

Following the decisions by United States to keep Thailand on the lowest rank of the Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report, the EU’s decision to issue the country with a yellow card, which could be further downgraded to a red card later this month, alongside damning reports in the international media and from international food companies, authorities in Thailand have been desperate to improve the international community’s perception of the country’s fishing industry.

The trial of these 91 individuals accused to human trafficking represents Thailand’s commitment to human rights and its commitment to cleaning up an industry which has for too long profited from the exploitation of vulnerable refugees. As such ensuring the safety and wellbeing of the witnesses and victims in this trial is paramount, not just for Thailand’s image, but also, to demonstrate that justice can prevail in Thailand’s judicial system.

Myanmar: historic elections, is it safe for refugees to return?


Mae Hong Son, Thailand, 13 January 2016 -- In November 2015, Myanmar held its first national vote since a nominally civilization government was established in 2011, concluding nearly 50 years of military rule. Since the elections, there has been a wave of optimism for national reconciliation, which may allow for repatriation of Burmese refugees who fled to camps on the Thailand-Myanmar border decades ago.



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After over four years of negotiations, only eight of 16 ethnic armed groups have signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement, and there are still security concerns in many parts of Myanmar. Furthermore, addressing displacement has not yet been prioritised in the peace process. For example, decisions regarding restoration of citizenship status and providing identification documents have not yet been clarified. Many refugees feel that to return right now to Myanmar would be premature. 

Security. Although life in the camps is not a durable solution, the Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS) believes repatriation should be considered on a case to case basis, with the safety of the refugees taking priority. Paths back to Myanmar should not only be demilitarised and undisputed, but clear from landmines as well.

"In the future, I would like to be a teacher and improve the education of our Karenni children, but only if the situation back home is safe," said Maung Saw Tin*, a refugee student.

Dignity. JRS works under the principles of non-discrimination and works on both sides of the Thailand-Myanmar border providing education – particularly for youth – and offering trust-building programmes for refugees and returnees.



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However, many refugees fear the lack of services in the communities to which they are returning. Many of the communities in Myanmar to which refugees are returning do not provide the practical support, such as food, shelter, heath care and education as is provided in the camps, as humanitarian agencies are not yet present there. 

"Most camp refugees came from remote areas in Myanmar where there's no access to social services. There are schools but no teachers, clinics but no medicine," said U Aye Ko*, a refugee leader.

Voluntary return. Thus, JRS believes repatriation must be a voluntary decision, with refugees involved and consulted throughout the entire process. Returnees have the right to be well-informed and made aware of the current situation in their specific location of return, before making any decisions. JRS is working to improve communication to give refugees the information they need to help them make an informed decision regarding their decision to return to Myanmar.


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"We love our country but our villages were burnt. We do not want to go back to that situation," said Mee Meh*, a refugee in Mae Hong Son camp.

Last month, the Karenni Refugee Committee, the UN refugee agency, Thailand's Ministry of Interior and World Education attended a four-day workshop on voluntary repatriation hosted by JRS in Mae Hong Son, Thailand. The framework of the workshop took into consideration the hopes as well as the fears of refugees around repatriation.

*Names have been changed

--Adapted from an article written by Jesuit Refugee Service Asia Pacific

- See more at: http://en.jrs.net



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Canada welcomes 10,000th Syrian refugee



OTTAWA: Canada has welcomed its 10,000th Syrian refugee, the government announced Wednesday, although almost two weeks behind schedule and far fewer than it had originally planned to resettle by now.

A plane carrying asylum seekers landed in Toronto late Tuesday, putting the number of arrivals at 10,121 since November, when Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s Liberals took office.

In a statement, Immigration Minister John McCallum called it a “significant milestone” on the way to meeting the Liberal’s overall pledge to take in 25,000 Syrians.

“Many people have worked day and night to bring these refugees to Canada,” he said, “and Canadians have opened their communities and their hearts to welcome them.

“Canada continues to set an international example with its response to the worst refugee crisis of our time.”

Trudeau had promised during an election campaign last year to resettle 25,000 Syrian refugees by December 31.

The European migrant crisis was full-blown and images of drowned Syrian child Aylan Kurdi whose body washed up on a Turkish beach appeared on the front page of most dailies, leading the Liberals to criticize the Tory government of not doing enough for Syrian refugees.

But after the Liberals assumed power the target date was pushed to the end of February, following criticism that the new government was moving too fast amid security concerns in the aftermath of deadly attacks in Paris, as well as due to logistical issues.

A new interim target of taking in 10,000 by December 31 was set, but only 6,000 Syrians travelling from camps in Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey made it onto Canadian soil by year’s end.

Outside parliament, McCallum said: “There’s little doubt in my mind that 25,000 will have arrived by the end of February.”


“But I think now attention should turn or has turned to the resettlement,” he said.

“We have now demonstrated, I think, an ability to get the machine up and to deliver the refugees to Canada. The next phase — and it won’t be easy, it won’t always be totally smooth — is to… ensure that they find a place to live and get services that they require.”

The minister dismissed concerns about possible clashes such as those that occurred recently in Germany, saying the situations are “quite different.”

Last week, newly-arrived Syrian refugees were pepper-sprayed at a welcome event in Vancouver in an attack condemned by Trudeau.

“We are obviously very mindful of the situation in Germany and the problems that Germany has been having, but let me remind you that we are talking about 25,000 Syrian refugees (while) Germany has accepted close to a million.

“Most of them (coming to Canada) are not single men. Most of them are family members, whereas Germany accepts everybody that comes to its borders,” he added.

The UN refugee agency estimates that more than four million Syrians have fled the civil war ravaging their country. The Britain-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights puts the total number of dead at more than 260,000 people.

Canada takes in an average of 250,000 refugees from around the world each year.

– AFP