Tuesday, August 27, 2013

Dozens of Rohingya Asylum Seekers Escape Thai Detention Center

BANGKOK — A group of Muslim Rohingya asylum seekers in southern Thailand escaped from an immigration detention center on Tuesday, highlighting the growing desperation of a stateless minority fleeing sectarian violence in Burma. Rights activists are critical of the Thai government’s response to the influx of Rohingyas and have urged the authorities not to deport the refugees back to Burma, where they face pervasive discrimination. The 87 escapees used blades to cut through iron bars and hacked at cement walls before disappearing into nearby rubber plantations, prompting a large search operation, said Suwit Chernsiri, police commander of the southern province of Songkla. “The men were detained for many months and tensions were high,” Suwit told Reuters. The jail break was the second after a group of 30 Rohingyas escaped from a Songkla police station earlier this month. More than 1,800 Rohingya who fled Burma by sea this past year are being detained across Thailand, often in overcrowded centers and shelters, and thousands more have been intercepted and pushed back out to sea by the Thai authorities. Burma, a majority Buddhist country, says the Rohingya are Muslim migrants from Bangladesh. A 1982 Citizenship Act excluded Rohingya Muslims from a list of 135 designated ethnic groups, effectively rendering them stateless. Thailand also denies Rohingyas citizenship and considers them illegal migrants. Bangladesh also does not recognize them. Many Rohingya hope to end up in neighboring Muslim-majority Malaysia, where some have extended families but often fall prey to smugglers and traffickers in Thailand. A Reuters investigation found that Rohingyas who fail to pay for their passage are handed over to traffickers, who sell some men into slavery on Thai fishing boats or force them to work as farmhands. Thailand’s navy denies its personnel are involved in smuggling and trafficking networks. The number of Rohingyas boarding boats from Burma and neighboring Bangladesh reached 34,626 people from June 2012 to May of this year—more than four times the previous year, says the Arakan Project, an advocacy group that has studied Rohingya migration since 2006. Many have ended up in Thailand. 


  2 Responses to Dozens of Rohingya Asylum Seekers Escape Thai Detention Center 

  Indeed Rohingers are humanbeings, but they do not live peacefully in host country and insult Myanmar ethnic people and Rakhines,Moreover,they try to invade Myanmar territory for building up Muslim world so they deserve to be state people. Even their original country;Bangladesh does not receive them. If they live with Myanmars harmoniously,they can have no trouble.Myanmar Immigration personnel also should be contrite for their corruption in letting illegal migrant Rohingers stay in Myanmar since Ne Win’s era. You will have no space in a human society if you are not doing good enough like a normal human being like other people of the world do. Even Muslim countries like Malaysia, Indonesia and their origin country, Bangaladesh do not want Rohingya people to give a little space for them. 

What is the reason that the Muslim Country doesn't want its Muslim brothers ????

 A Patriot


  KHAWTAW asylum seekers did not go to East Pakistan: instead went to Thailand and Malaysia with Names like Maung Hla,, Kin Zaw, Aung Thein, Ko Ko Gyi etc: Claiming Political Asylum, Then! To-Day! they are Claiming Political Asylum World Over, in the name of being Muslim and changing names back to their original Muslim Names disregarding the rule of law in country they reside and returning to Burma with their New Name and Passport. The Burmese Authority should be Alerted at The Air Port, entering Burma, that They were Political Asylum seekers; discrediting Burma. What a Shame!


Saturday, August 24, 2013

Myanmar mob swarms car of U.N. rights envoy


U.N. Human Right Rapporteur on Rights in Myanmar Tomas Ojea Quintana addresses journalists during a press conference prior to his departure from the Yangon airport on August 21, 2013. AFP PHOTO/Soe Than WIN


U.N. Human Right Rapporteur on Rights in Myanmar Tomas Ojea Quintana addresses journalists during a press conference prior to his departure from the Yangon airport on August 21, 2013. AFP PHOTO/Soe Than WIN 

  YANGON: A U.N. human rights envoy visiting Myanmar said Wednesday that a confrontation he had with an angry mob made him empathize with victims of the country's deadly sectarian violence. 

 Tomas Ojea Quintana said 200 angry Buddhists mobbed his car after he landed this week in the central town of Meikhtila to study reconciliation efforts between Buddhists and Muslims. He said it was a terrifying experience that hammered home the level of tension in the region. "I felt during this incident, being totally unprotected," he told a news conference wrapping up his 10-day visit to the country.
 "It gave me an insight into the fear residents would have felt" when they were chased, beaten and killed by Buddhist mobs in the town in March, he said. About 40 people were killed. The unrest began last year in the western state of Rakhine, where Buddhists accuse the Rohingya Muslim community of illegally entering the country to steal their land.

 The violence, on a smaller scale but still deadly, spread earlier this year to other parts of Myanmar - including Meikhtila - and has stirred up prejudice against Muslims. Nationwide, more than 250 people have been killed and another 140,000 forced to flee their homes. Most of the victims have been Muslims. Myanmar is overwhelmingly Buddhist. 

 Buddhists feel that the U.N. and other international agencies are ignoring their complaints, and tilting relief and reconstruction efforts in favor of the Muslim community. Visitors to Rakhine note that Muslims make up the majority of the homeless and live in refugee camps in miserable conditions, without adequate sanitation or medical and educational facilities. 

 The attacks and the government's inability to contain the sectarian tensions are proving a major challenge for President Thein Sein's administration as it attempts to move toward democracy and greater freedom. The U.S.-based group Physicians for Human Rights, in a report released Tuesday, blamed the government for failing "to protect vulnerable groups" and allowing "a culture of impunity for the violators," and called on the government to conduct thorough investigations and prosecute those responsible. 

 Quintana's ordeal recalled the difficulties previous U.N. envoys had in dealing with Myanmar before military rule ended in 2011, when they sometimes were barred from meeting people, snubbed by officials and even denied entry to the country. Quintana said mobs surrounded his convoy during a stopover in Meikhtila on Monday, forcing him to cut short his planned visit to a camp for displaced Muslims.

 "On my way to the township administrative office . my car was surrounded by a crowd of around 200 people who proceeded to punch and kick the window and doors of the car while shouting abuse," he said. "Due to these serious security concerns, I had to abandon my proposed visit to an IDP (internally displaced persons) camp containing around 1,600 Muslims who had been displaced following the March violence." 

 "The state has the responsibility to protect a special rapporteur like me coming from the United Nations," he said in response to a question. "The state has failed to protect me." He faced more peaceful protests on other stops. 

  During his visit, Quintana also met with pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and several prisoners of conscience who remain behind bars two years after the country's military junta handed over power to a nominally civilian government.

He also went to Kachin state, scene of a decades-long insurgency. He said he was very distressed to hear that U.N. humanitarian organizations have only been allowed access to non-government-controlled areas there once in the last year. 

Quintana thanked the government for organizing the wide-ranging visit and the access granted to him, and said during his visit to Chin state, he found that restrictions on Christians have eased notably this year. 

It was Quintana's eighth trip to Myanmar since being named U.N. rights rapporteur. He will present his findings to the U.N. General Assembly on Oct. 24. 

 http://www.dailystar.com.lb

Myanmar blames 'misunderstanding' after UN envoy mobbed

Myanmar blames 'misunderstanding' after UN envoy mobbed



Ethnic Rakhine villagers hold a placard as they demonstrate during the visit of UN human rights envoy Tomas Ojea Quintana in Sittwe, Myanmar on August 12, 2013. Myanmar police on Thursday rejected allegations that a convoy carrying a UN rights envoy though a town wracked by religious unrest was attacked by a mob, blaming a "misunderstanding" for the incident.


Myanmar police on Thursday rejected allegations that a convoy carrying a UN rights envoy though a town wracked by religious unrest was attacked by a mob, blaming a "misunderstanding" for the incident.

 Tomas Ojea Quintana, the United Nations special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, on Wednesday lambasted the country's government for failing to protect him as his car was surrounded by around 200 people, who hurled abuse and punched and kicked the vehicle.

 No one is thought to have been injured in the August 19 incident, which took place in the town of Meiktila, central Myanmar, where anti-Muslim violence in March left at least 44 dead. But a police spokesman in the capital Naypyidaw dismissed the incident as a misunderstanding which occurred as local people attempted to hand a letter to Quintana, prompting plain clothes security guards to rap on car windows to usher the convoy through the crowd.

 "Some people tried to give Mr Quintana a letter and show photos they took during his visit in Meiktila... they had no intention to be violent towards him," Lieutenant Colonel Min Aung, of Myanmar's Police Force headquarters in the capital, told AFP. "There was also a misunderstanding. Some of our security members who were on duty at that time were in plain clothes. "Some of them signalled for the car to move forward by beating the car glass," he added.

 His comments contrast starkly with Quintana's version of events. "The fear that I felt during this incident, being left totally unprotected by the nearby police, gave me an insight into the fear residents would have felt when being chased down by violent mobs during the violence last March," he told reporters amid tight security at Yangon airport at the end of his 10 day visit to the country.

 The government failed in its duty "to protect me", the envoy said, adding that he had be forced to cancel a visit to a camp for hundreds of displaced Muslims in Meiktila over security fears. Attacks against Muslims -- who make up an estimated four percent of Myanmar's population -- have exposed deep fractures in the Buddhist-majority nation and cast a shadow over its emergence from army rule.

 After the March violence, Quintana said the reluctance of security forces to crack down on the unrest suggested a possible state link to the fighting -- a claim rejected by the government. The unrest followed two outbreaks of conflict in western Rakhine state in June and October last year that left around 200 people dead, mainly Rohingya Muslims who are seen by many in Myanmar as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. Quintana, who also visited Rakhine, faced several other peaceful protests during his recent trip.

Source :http://news.ph.msn.com/

Burma 'failed to protect' UN rights envoy

The UN human rights envoy to Burma has accused the country's government of failing to protect him when his convoy came under attack this week. 

 Tomas Ojea Quintan said this happened during his visit to the central town of Meiktila, the scene of recent deadly clashes between Buddhists and Muslims. He said some 200 people surrounded his car, punching the doors and windows. No-one was hurt, but the envoy said he now had an insight into how people would have felt during March's clashes.

 "The state failed to protect me," Mr Quintan told reporters at the end of his 10-day visit to Burma (Myanmar). He said that Monday's attack forced him to abandon his plans to visit a local camp, where thousands of displaced Muslims were sheltering. BBC map "The fear that I felt during this incident, being left totally unprotected by the nearby police, gave me an insight into the fear residents would have felt when being chased down by violent mobs during the violence last March," he added. The Burmese authorities have so far made no public comments on the issue.

 Mr Quintan was in Burma on a fact-finding visit following the religious clashes. At least 43 people - most of them from Burma's small Muslim community - died in the violence that erupted after an argument at a Muslim-owned shop. The violence sparked clashes in at least three other towns and left more than 12,000 Muslims displaced. 

 The clashes in Meiktila were the worst since ethnic violence in Rakhine state last year, where nearly 200 people were killed and tens of thousands forced from their homes. The conflict that erupted in Rakhine involved Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims, who are not recognised as Burmese citizens. The communities remain largely segregated in the wake of the violence, with many displaced Rohingya Muslims living in tents or temporary camps

Thursday, August 22, 2013

U.N. rights envoy says mob attacked his car in Myanmar


omas Ojea Quintana (C), United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation, walks with Rohingya Muslims as he visits Aung Mingalar quarter in Sittwe, Myanmar, August 13, 2013. REUTERS/Soe Zeya Tun



YANGON, Aug 22 (Reuters) - A U.N. human rights envoy said a 200-strong mob attacked his car in central Myanmar this week, kicking windows and doors and shouting abuse, as he arrived to investigate Buddhist-led violence against Muslims, but the government said he was mistaken. Tomás Ojea Quintana, a U.N. special rapporteur on human rights, said the attack occurred on Monday at about 10.30 p.m. in Meikhtila, where a wave of anti-Muslim riots in March killed at least 43 people, destroyed hundreds of homes and displaced thousands. Ojea Quintana's accusations of a mob attack underscore the challenges Myanmar's reformist government faces in containing violence and pacifying long-simmering tensions in one of Asia's most ethnically diverse countries. 

 "The fear that I felt during this incident, being left totally unprotected by the nearby police, gave me an insight into the fear residents would have felt when being chased down by violent mobs during the violence last March," he told reporters late on Wednesday. The Myanmar government denied the attack. "I'm so sorry that Mr. Quintana, as usual, seems to have said quite the opposite of what really happened on the ground," said presidential spokesman Ye Htut. "These people were waiting just to stage a peaceful protest and to give him a letter of protest. Some of them knocked on his car window to give him the letter but they didn't open it and the police finally drove them away," he said. 

 Ojea Quintana made the comments at the end of a 10-day visit to Myanmar, also known as Burma, in which he toured regions worst affected by repeated anti-Muslim violence in the Buddhist-majority country, where 49 years of military rule ended in March 2011. In some regions, signs have emerged of ethnic cleansing, and of impunity for those inciting it, threatening the country's historic democratic transition. In Meikhtila, a city of 100,000, just 130 km (80 miles) north of the capital of Naypyitaw, nearly 13,000 people, mostly Muslims, were driven from their homes and businesses in March. Many now still live in crowded camps for internally displaced people (IDP). After the attack on his car, Ojea Quintana abandoned a plan to visit an IDP camp housing about 1,600 Muslims and urged the government to do more to control violent mobs. He praised Myanmar's reformist government for making "positive changes to the human rights situation", citing President Thein Sein's pledge to release all political prisoners by year's end.

 But he painted a grim picture of Rakhine State, where clashes between Rakhine Buddhists and stateless Rohingya Muslims in June and October 2012 killed at least 192 people and displaced 140,000, most of them Muslims. Afterwards, the authorities imposed apartheid-like policies segregating Rohingya Muslims from Buddhists. The separation of the two communities "is becoming increasingly permanent, making the restoration of trust difficult", he said. "This continues to have a particularly negative impact on the Muslim community." INTIMIDATION OF HUMANITARIAN WORKERS Severe restrictions on freedom of movement for Muslims had "serious consequences" for access to healthcare, education and livelihoods, he said. Access to healthcare was further hampered by local groups intimidating humanitarian workers trying to serve the camps, he said. 

 In Sittwe, the Rakhine State capital, Ojea Quintana visited Aung Mingalar, the last Muslim-dominated quarter remaining after last year's violence. The quarter is locked down by police and soldiers who patrol all streets leading in and out. Muslims can't leave without written permission from Buddhist local authorities, which Muslims told Reuters was almost impossible to secure. Ojea Quintana said he heard many serious allegations of the use of "excessive force" in dealing with Muslim crowds, including a recent incident in which police in Sittwe opened fire with live ammunition to disperse Muslim protesters, killing two people. He said prisons in Sittwe and the northern township of Buthidaung were filled with hundreds of Muslim men and women, many of whom "have been arbitrarily detained and tried in flawed trials". But he said he had received assurances that authorities in Rakhine state had dropped a controversial two-child limit on Rohingya families that sparked international outrage earlier this year. (Writing by Jason Szep. Editing by Andrew R.C. Marshall and Nick Macfie)

According to VOA news, Tomás Ojea Quintana, a U.N. special rapporteur on human rights, was against for the reason that he stands for Rohingya Muslims only and it is not fair. 

UNHCR welcomes Jakarta Declaration to address irregular movements in Asia-Pacific

JAKARTA, Indonesia, August 21 

(UNHCR) - The UN refugee agency has hailed a pledge by 13 countries in the Asia-Pacific region to address the growing challenge of irregular movements that are costing hundreds of lives at sea every year. UNHCR and the International Organization for Migration joined ministers and senior officials from Afghanistan, Australia, Bangladesh, Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, New Zealand, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea, the Philippines, Sri Lanka and Thailand at the half-day meeting. The Jakarta Declaration was endorsed unanimously at the end of the Special Conference on the Irregular Movement of Persons organized by the Indonesia government on Tuesday. 

 "Complex cross-border population movements are not a new phenomenon in this region," said UNHCR's Director of International Protection, Volker Turk, in his opening statement. "The uneven availability of protection, assistance and long-term solutions, family and community dispersal, labour needs, lack of access to legal migration opportunities, well-established travel routes, as well as smuggling networks, are all part of the complex fabric of mobility in the Asia-Pacific." He called for a "pact of solidarity" and regional road map for action - points that were reflected in the three-page Jakarta Declaration. "We recognized the need for common responses involving countries of origin, transit as well as destination in more focused and action-oriented efforts in addressing the issue of people smuggling, trafficking in persons and related transnational crime," read the declaration, which stressed the importance of burden-sharing and collective action in four areas - prevention, early detection, protection and prosecution. Prevention involves a range of actions such as mitigating the underlying factors that make people more vulnerable to irregular migration, by fostering political and socio-economic conditions and promoting better livelihood sustainability. Opportunities for legal channels of migration should be encouraged. 

Capacity should be built to promote timely search and rescue operations to reduce loss of life at sea. Early detection can be done by strengthening information sharing and developing an early alert system among relevant officials. The protection element focuses on establishing mechanisms to identify, protect and assist victims of trafficking, while ensuring that they are not punished for smuggling or trafficking offences. Another priority is to enhance communication and coordination to support search and rescue at sea, disembarkation, reception, processing and outcomes. People who are found not to be in need of protection should be encouraged to return home voluntarily. Prosecution involves urging countries to accede to and implement the UN Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime and its protocols on smuggling and trafficking, and for national legislation to criminalize the latter acts. Mutual legal assistance should be provided in investigations, prosecutions and judicial proceedings. Turk welcomed the declaration for its holistic approach to the problem of irregular movements. 

It prioritizes the protection of victims, going beyond the usual focus on border management and law enforcement. "Crafting effective responses requires a solid understanding of the broader migration context, including the reasons for movement. Information campaigns, restrictive border practices and punitive measures have proved not to be adequate to prevent or dissuade movements in these circumstances. They do not work on their own," said the UNHCR official. "Worse, in the absence of a refugee protection and migration framework, deterrence measures can raise the stakes and therefore render the market for smugglers and traffickers more risky, but also more profitable.

" Noting that unresolved refugee situations often result in irregular movements further afield, he appealed to host countries to stabilize the population where they are by improving their conditions of stay while working out solutions. "Temporary stay or other arrangements that provide legal access to the labour market are one potential avenue to achieve this objective," said Turk. "Putting in place similar reception and stay arrangements across countries will contribute to minimize onward movements while also ensuring that beneficiaries are able to contribute in full to their host communities during their stay." He cited this as an example of "in-country opportunities" in refugee-receiving countries, while stressing the need for refugee-producing countries to address the root causes of displacement. He also urged third countries to expand resettlement opportunities in a renewed push for solutions. It was proposed that a Group of Eminent Persons from the region could be set up to move these ideas and initiatives forward. By Vivian Tan in Jakarta Source: UNHCR

Wednesday, August 21, 2013

Dozens of Rohingya escape from Thai detention centre: police

Dozens of Rohingya boat people from Myanmar escaped on Tuesday from a Thai immigration centre -- they were among nearly 2,000 Rohingya who have been held, some for many months, for entering Thailand illegally. 

 BANGKOK: Dozens of Rohingya boat people from Myanmar escaped on Tuesday from a Thai immigration centre, police said, as a rights group called for all of them to be freed from detention. Some 87 Rohingya men broke out of the detention centre housing 137 asylum-seekers in Sadao, a southern district bordering Malaysia. They were among nearly 2,000 Rohingya who have been held -- some for many months --for entering Thailand illegally. Local media reports said they punched a hole in the ceiling and climbed out using a rope made from their clothes. Authorities are searching for the runaways and have rearrested two of them, according to Suwit Choensiri, a police commander in Songkhla province which includes Sadao.

 "The reason for their escape is the pressure they are under after they being detained for a long time with no idea of their future," he added. Many of the asylum-seekers have been locked up in the overcrowded and reportedly insanitary centre for several months. Thousands of Muslim Rohingya boat people -- including women and children -- have fled Myanmar since communal clashes a year ago in its western state of Rakhine. Those who arrived in Thailand have been "helped on" by the kingdom's navy towards mainly Malaysia -- their destination of choice -- or detained as illegal immigrants. Thailand initially said the asylum-seekers would be allowed to stay for six months while the government worked with the UN refugee agency UNHCR to try to find other countries willing to accept them.

 But overseas help has not been forthcoming so far, leaving the refugees in limbo and separated from their families. Thailand has discussed ways to address the issue, including sending the Rohingya to new camps on the border with Myanmar, but separate from their Buddhist compatriots to avoid any flashpoints. But rights groups have called for their freedom, saying the Rohingya are being detained in cramped and unsanitary conditions and are vulnerable to exploitation. 

 "The Rohingya have fled horrific abuses in Burma (Myanmar) that would put many at risk were they to return home," according to Brad Adams, Asia director for Human Rights Watch. "Instead of sticking them in border camps or immigration lock-ups, the Thai government should consider allowing the Rohingya to remain, work, and live under temporary protection." - AFP

Tuesday, August 20, 2013

Timorese Pushback of Burmese Refugees Prompts Unease, Confusion

RANGOON — Confusion remains over the recent refusal by the East Timor government to allow a group of 95 refugees, many of whom are Burmese Rohingya, to stay in the country. The group, 99 in total including four crew members, landed in East Timor, also known as Timor-Leste, on June 30, before being escorted several days later to a nearby Indonesian island by Timorese officials. The refugees are now being held at the Makassar Immigration Detention Center on Indonesia’s Sulawesi island. 

 Vivian Tan, regional spokeswoman for the United Nations refugee agency (UNHCR), said the East Timor government has not yet replied to its enquiries about the case, but clarified that not all of the 95 are Rohingya or Burmese. “The group seems to be a mix of people from Myanmar, Bangladesh and Indonesia,” Tan told The Irrawaddy. “We are 73 Rohingya refugees, 47 men, 10 women and 16 children. Most of us fled directly from Burma and some from Malaysia,” said Rafi Zaw Win, in an e-mail to an NGO working on Rohingya issues that was seen by The Irrawaddy. The man is part of the group currently being held in Makassar, some of whom appear to have Internet access and cellphone connections. An Australian international NGO worker who has visited the group at the Makassar IDC, but asked not to be named, told The Irrawaddy that “the conditions of the center are very difficult and it is overcrowded. 

I did not go inside, but was able to talk to women, children and men through the wired gates outside. The people that I spoke to were scared, confused and didn’t understand their situation.” Also raising concerns about the Dili government’s handling of the case are Timorese NGOs, a group of which signed off on a July 26 letter to Timorese lawmakers—including Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao, a former political prisoner in Indonesia. The NGOs say they have not received a reply from the Timorese government and, to highlight the case, subsequently published an English translation of the original letter, which was written in Tetum, the main language in East Timor. Questions sent by The Irrawaddy to the prime minister’s spokesman had not been replied to at time of writing. In the letter, the NGOs accuse the government—a signatory to the UN Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees—of reneging on its obligations to the boat people. “Upon achieving independence for ourselves, we also acquired an obligation to provide solidarity to the people of other lands, who need our help as human beings,” reads the letter to the government, which includes ministers who in the past were themselves refugees. 

 The letter reminds the government of the terms of the country’s constitution, referring to a section that reads: “The Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste shall grant political asylum, in accordance with the law, to foreigners persecuted as a result of their struggle for national and social liberation, defense of human rights, democracy and peace.” The pushback has caught the attention of civil society groups outside of East Timor. “Please note that Timor-Leste is a party to the Refugee Convention and, despite this, they expelled asylum seekers,” Chris Lewa, director of the Arakan Project, told The Irrawaddy The HAK Association, a Timorese human rights organization and one of the NGO signatories, said it tried to speak to the group while they were in East Timor, but were prevented from doing so by Timorese police. “Members of PNTL [Timorese police] informed the team that they had received orders from the Prime Minister, which prohibited all people from carrying out interviews or taking photos,” the letter to the government read. Celestino Gusmao, researcher at La’o Hamutuk, a Dili-based development and economics research organization and one of the letter’s signatories, told The Irrawaddy that the NGOs believe part of the reason for the government’s actions was a lack of understanding of relevant laws and ensuing obligations. “We are using private channels to encourage the government to address this situation so that in the future such violations are not repeated,” he said. 

 And while the Timorese government has not replied to the UNHCR or to local civil society groups, Timorese Foreign Minister Jose Luis Guterres said the refugees did not apply for asylum in East Timor, according to Timorese newspaper reports. “On humanitarian grounds, we helped in the repair of the boat but none of them requested asylum to Timor-Leste. Then we escorted them to international waters and requested them to return to the place where they came from,” said Guterres, who added that “if they had requested so, the governor would have done all the necessary action according to international conventions that we’ve ratified. The government and the people of East Timor have solidarity with those who are persecuted for political or religious reasons.” But according to Rafi Zaw Win, the group requested asylum on July 1 after landing on Timorese shores, after an attempt to reach Darwin in Australia, 400 kilometers south of East Timor, was scuppered due to engine trouble.

 “On July 1, 2013, our boat came ashore in Island Bata village of East Timor and the villagers rescued and helped us and took us to their village’s hall where we met Timorese police and I requested asylum to the police officers on behalf of 73 Burmese Rohingya refugees, but they told me that they could not consider our request for asylum in East Timor,” he said. The Rohingya are a Muslim people living mostly in western Burma’s Arakan State. They are widely described by human rights groups as one of the world’s most persecuted minorities. Two bouts of sectarian violence in Arakan State between Muslims, including Rohingya, and Buddhist Arakanese in 2012 has left about 100,000 Rohingya in squalid temporary camps, with thousands more seeking to flee the region to Thailand, Malaysia and beyond. “We do believe that the government of Timor-Leste violated the rights of those Rohingya who came here, we didn’t treat them as people, and sent them into international waters,” Manuel Monteiro Fernandes, acting director at the HAK Association, told The Irrawaddy. 

  There are a lot of Bangladesh people who pretend and join Rohingya people from Burma for getting benefits from Rohingya boat people and some people from Malaysia told that they don't even understand or speak Burmese and trying to register with UNHCR as Rohingya. Most of Bangladesh people used to have UNHCR false card to get a job in Malaysia. This is because we are being mistreated by local people or we have been black named just for the reason that some of Bangaladesh people misused UNHCR false-card using our Rohingya ethnic name.

Thailand: Release and Protect Rohingya ‘Boat People’

End Inhumane Detention, Family Separation of 1,800 Muslims from Burma 

 (Bangkok) – Thailand’s government should release ethnic Rohingya from Burma who are detained under inhumane and unsafe conditions, and ensure their protection needs are met. On August 13, 2013, the Thai cabinet considered a plan to transfer 1,839 Rohingya who have been held in immigration detention facilities and social welfare shelters across Thailand to refugee camps on the Thai-Burmese border. “Some senior Thai officials have recognized the Rohingya’s plight but they are still considering proposals that would keep them detained,” said Brad Adams, Asia director.

 “The Thai government needs to end the inhumane detention of Rohingya and ensure the United Nations refugee agency and other international organizations have full access to provide much needed protection and assistance.” On August 9, the Thai minister of social development and human security, Paveena Hongsakula, told the media that the detention and trafficking of Rohingya in Thailand were serious human rights issues. Yet at a cabinet meeting four days later she proposed sending them to refugee camps, a plan that reportedly has the backing of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra and Foreign Affairs Minister Surapong Tovichakchaikul.

 Despite the fact that many Rohingya fled “ethnic cleansing” and crimes against humanity last year in Burma’s Arakan State, the Thai government refuses to consider Rohingya as refugees. The Thai authorities have also discussed proposals to create alternative centers for the Rohingya or expand the capacity to hold Rohingya at existing immigration detention centers in Songkhla, Ranong, Prachuab Khiri Kan, and Nongkhai provinces. Since January, the Thai authorities have detained 2,055 Rohingya on the grounds that they entered the country illegally, according to the government. Thailand has separated Rohingya families. Rohingya men have been sent to various immigration detention centers, while Rohingya women and children have been held in shelters managed by the Ministry of Social Development and Human Security. As documented by Human Rights Watch, Thai and Rohingya human traffickers have gained access to the government shelters and sought to lure out Rohingya women and children. For instance, in June, traffickers who promised to reunite Narunisa, a 25-year-old Rohingya in a shelter in Phang Nga province, with her husband in Malaysia for a 50,000 baht (US$1,660) fee, instead raped her repeatedly.

 Many immigration detention centers are severely overcrowded and lack access to medical services and other basic necessities. Rohingya men are restricted to extremely cramped conditions in small cells resembling large cages, where they barely have room to sit. Some suffer from swollen feet and withered leg muscles due to lack of exercise because they have not been let out of the cells for up to five months. Eight Rohingya men have died from illness while in detention. Interventions by international agencies to provide health services, prompted in part by media exposure and international expressions of concern, have resulted in health improvements, but many Rohingya still face unacceptable risks to their health due to poor detention conditions. “The Thai government should recognize its punitive detention policy towards the Rohingya is both inhumane and counterproductive,” Adams said. Since July, Rohingya men fearful of being sent back to persecution in Burma or detained indefinitely in Thailand have staged protests at immigration detention facilities in Songkhla and Phang Nga provinces. Approximately 208 Rohingya men, women, and children have also escaped from detention to unknown locations.

 The Thai authorities should allow Rohingya to seek migrant worker status, which would permit them to work and move freely. Because Burma’s government discriminates against the Rohingya, denying them Burmese nationality, Thailand should waive the nationality verification program requirement for migrant worker status. “The Rohingya have fled horrific abuses in Burma that would put many at risk were they to return home,” Adams said. “Instead of sticking them in border camps or immigration lockups, the Thai government should consider allowing the Rohingya to remain, work, and live under temporary protection.” Background: Thai policy not “helping on” For years, thousands of ethnic Rohingya from Burma’s Arakan State have set sail to flee persecution by the Burmese government. The situation significantly worsened following sectarian violence in Arakan State in June 2012 between Muslim Rohingya and Buddhist Arakanese, which displaced tens of thousands of Rohingya from their homes. In October 2012, Arakanese political and religious leaders and state security forces committed crimes against humanity in a campaign of “ethnic cleansing” against the Rohingya. During the so-called “sailing season” between October 2012 and March 2013, more than 35,000 Rohingya are believed to have fled the country.

International pressure on Thailand to provide temporary protection to Rohingya arriving on its shores resulted in the current detention policy. Since January, more than 1,800 Rohingya have been sent to immigration detention centers and government shelters. However, many thousands more have been intercepted at sea by Thai officials and either redirected to Malaysia or allegedly handed over to people smugglers and human traffickers who demand payment to release them and send them onwards. Thailand’s misnamed “help on” policy towards small boats carrying Rohingya has failed to provide Rohingya asylum seekers with the protections required under international law, and in some cases significantly increased their risk. Under this policy, the Thai navy intercepts Rohingya boats that come close to the Thai coast and supposedly provides them with fuel, food, water, and other supplies on the condition that the boats continue onward to Malaysia or Indonesia. Instead of helping or providing protection, the “help on” policy either pushes ill-equipped boats of asylum seekers onwards at sea, or sees them handed over to people smugglers who promise to send the Rohingya onwards for a price, and hand over those unable to pay to human traffickers.

 Under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, everyone has the right to seek asylum from persecution. While Thailand is not a party to the 1951 Refugee Convention, under customary international law the Thai government has an obligation of “non-refoulement” – not to return anyone to places where their life or freedom would be at risk. In its “Guidelines on Applicable Criteria and Standards Relating to the Detention of Asylum Seekers,” the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reaffirmed the basic human right to seek asylum and stated that “[a]s a general rule, asylum seekers should not be detained.” The UNHCR guidelines also state that detention should not be used as a punitive or disciplinary measure, or as a means of discouraging refugees from applying for asylum. Human Rights Watch urged the Thai government to work closely with UNHCR, which has the technical expertise to screen for refugee status and the mandate to protect refugees and stateless people. Effective UNHCR screening of all Rohingya boat arrivals would help the Thai government determine who is entitled to refugee status.

http://www.hrw.org/

Saturday, August 17, 2013

Despite a ceasefire, the human rights abuses continue

Fragile sanctuary

Left Australian Dr Kate Bruck advisor to Dr Cynthia Maung at the Mae Tao Clinic Mae Sot sitting with senior Medic KYAW KYAW WIN in the adault medical in patient ward mae tao clinic.
Photography Brendan Esposito
SMH,2013,10th July


The woman they call "mother", Cynthia Maung, has been a quiet source of strength for the long-suffering Karen people of Burma. Sharon Bradley meets the Sydney Peace Prize winner. They come, every morning, with the sun. As it climbs in the sky, drying the pools of water left in the dirt by the monsoon rains of the night before, young mothers and fathers, their faces worn with weariness and worry, carry their sick children into the shade and, with infinite patience, wait to be seen by clinic staff. Despite a ceasefire, the human rights abuses continue. Mathay, 29, is here with her 18-month-old daughter, Saung Thei Wai. They've been travelling for 24 hours, only this morning crossing the border into Thailand from their home in Burma. Despite her faded sarong and brown anorak that's seen better days, Mathay has the poise and bearing of an empress, the planes of her face radiating a fierce beauty, as she drapes the heavy body of the listless toddler across her lap.

NOTE NO NAME FOR THIS WOMEN HOWEVER I THINK JOURNALIST SHARON BRADLEY GOODWEEK END MAY HAVE GOT IT WHILE ON THE SAME ASSIGNMENT PLEASE CHECK WITH JOURNO.
Abandoned and displace burmese children who's parents may have die, are very sick or are migrant workers from Karen state and cannot afford to care for them. Dr Cynthia Maung's Mae Tao Clinic in Mae Sot offers help and hope for these children.
Photography Brendan Esposito
SMH,2013,10th July
Where hope lives … a Karen woman, Mathay, brings her febrile 18-month-old daughter to Dr Cynthia Maung's clinic in Mae Sot on the Thai border. Photo: Brendan Esposito

Her baby's been running a fever for several days now, Mathay tells us through an interpreter as her husband tenderly smooths the girl's damp forehead. They need to see a doctor. Opposite her is 35-year-old Aye Aye Mar. Her face daubed with chalky swirls of thanaka paste that Burmese women believe softens the skin, Aye Aye Mar explains that 11-month-old Thin Therapy Hwee, now sleeping uneasily in her arms, is also burning with fever and won't eat or drink. Nearby, a little boy of no more than four, supported by his mother and grandmother, vomits miserably, over and over again, into a storm drain. Advertisement These families are forced to travel, sometimes for days, over difficult mountainous, jungle-clad terrain, to reach this clinic in the town of Mae Sot on Thailand's north-western border because it's their only hope. They're trapped in the crosshairs of what has become the most protracted civil war on the planet, one that a powerful military junta has been waging against a patchwork population of ethnic minority groups largely out of sight of an international community that has little idea of the scale of its brutality.

These young parents are Karen, an ethnic group that constitutes 6 per cent of Burma's population of 60 million. Their home is Karen State, a long sliver of land in the Irrawaddy Delta, once celebrated by poets for its beauty, that shares 2000 kilometres of border with Thailand. Since 1984, their villages have been burned, their land confiscated, their livestock appropriated and their men - those who haven't joined the Karen National Union to fight for their autonomy - conscripted into forced labour. It's thought that there are as many as 650,000 internally displaced people in Burma, nearly 107,000 of them in Karen State. Another 146,000 live in a cluster of refugee camps - bamboo cities they've been building themselves since the 1970s - on the Thai side of the border. A further 250,000 undocumented migrant workers are also estimated to be in the area. The narrative is grim, the absence of adequate healthcare for these displaced and dispossessed people on their own soil its brutal full stop. And yet a small green footnote flourishes. Its author is Dr Cynthia Maung, director of the Mae Tao Clinic, which she founded here in Mae Sot in 1989. Despite being famous in Burma, Maung couldn't possibly look more unassuming this morning as she walks slowly around the sanctuary she's created. Dressed simply in a white cotton short-sleeved shirt and traditional sarong in emerald-green, her black, shoulder-length hair swept back in a ponytail, she chats companionably with a group of women outside the maternity unit where, last year alone, more than 3000 babies were safely delivered.

One woman, the front of her shirt stained by an abundant flow of new milk, tells Maung that she travelled from Burma's westernmost Arakan State to have her baby here. She nods at a week-old bundle of newborn perfection in the arms of its grandmother that she has named Thin Zer Moe. She's waiting, she says, to register the birth before she begins the long journey home. Inside, in a small room containing three incubators, lies a five-week-old baby. His mother, a local migrant worker, gave him the only gift she could, a safe delivery into a caring community, and has now gone home. Maung's face softens visibly as she sterilises her hands, their only decoration a plain gold band that she wears on one middle finger, and carefully cups his little cranium in one palm before gently lifting him into her arms. It's a scenario with which she's only too familiar.

Dinner time children at the orphanage in Mae Sot for abandoned and displace burmese children who's parents may have die, are very sick or are migrant workers from Karen state and cannot afford to care for them. Dr Cynthia Maung's Mae Tao Clinic in Mae Sot offers help and hope for these children.
Photography Brendan Esposito
SMH,2013,10th July
Dig in, don't wait … lunchtime at the children's boarding house next to the Mae Tao Clinic's safe house for women. Photo: Brendan Esposito

 Beyond this room, the ward looks undeniably primitive to First World eyes: two lines of beds or, more accurately, roughly built wooden tables covered in lino that are sheltered from the elements by breeze block walls, tiled floors and a tin roof on which the rain thunders every afternoon. And yet the space is meticulously clean and well organised. A large whiteboard beside the staff station describes an assortment of conditions: severe pre-eclampsia, presumptive malaria, incomplete abortion. Later, Maung and I adjourn to the clinic's library. Surrounded by framed photographs of, variously, Aung San Suu Kyi, a young king of Thailand and herself - "Long live Mother!" reads one jubilant caption - she slowly begins to tell me her story. Slowly, because as I'll come to realise over the course of our visit here, Maung doesn't much like talking about herself. She can be as silent as the Sphinx.

 Like many of her patients, she, too, is Karen. Born in Rangoon in 1959, she grew up the third of seven children in Moulmein, the capital of Mon State, to Baptist parents. Her father, she says, was a public health officer and she'd often go with him when he travelled to outlying villages, where access to healthcare was poor, to administer vaccinations. He dreamed of at least one of his children becoming a doctor and Maung responds with a small nod when I ask if they were close. Maung was only three in 1962 when a military coup transformed the political landscape of her country and, in the years that followed, the former missionary school she attended in downtown Moulmein was taken over by the regime. "I remember that there were many Karen children who came from far to go there," she says. "They could come to school by staying in the big boarding house there.

After the take-over, there was no boarding house, so unless they could find a family to take them in, they couldn't come. By grade 8, they'd mostly dropped out." When her grade 12 results placed her in the cream of graduating students, she returned to Rangoon to begin her six-year training at the Institute of Medicine. "Between 1980 and 1986, we were visiting a lot of hospitals," she continues, "and we could see for the first time the standard of the healthcare service being provided by the government. We saw very good, highly qualified doctors and nurses being hampered in their work by a lack of good facilities. Some patients were having to travel long distances to receive treatment, sometimes selling their properties to pay for it, and there were long delays." And then came 1988. Outside, it has started to rain again. The insistent cries of a restless baby find their way into the room through the open door along with the soft putter of motorbike engines on the road outside. The blades of a ceiling fan chop ineffectually at the leaden air and fat brown geckos scuttle around the strip lights.

Maung is remembering a watershed year, one that tore her life into two halves: what happened before and what came afterwards. In 1987, Maung, now a newly qualified doctor, had begun working in a clinic in Eain Du Village in Karen State; all of its inhabitants were struggling to survive. "I saw more of the issues around the military exploitation there," she says. "The forced taxation, forced labour and very poor access to healthcare, despite tuberculosis being so widespread. By 1988, the students' pro-democracy movement was becoming more and more widespread and I joined, too." What would become known as the 8888 Uprising began in Rangoon on August 8, 1988, and quickly spread throughout the country. It ended on September 18 after a bloody military crackdown by the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), during which it's thought as many as 10,000 people died. In the months that followed, 15,000 students fled to the Burma-Thailand border to escape being persecuted by the regime. Maung was among them: "Many of our friends who'd been involved in the uprising had now disappeared or were in jail. A lot of students had been killed. We all felt very, very insecure.

 Army intelligence was everywhere: we could be arrested or taken away at any point." She pauses. "My mother had recently passed away and my father and my brothers and sisters were in Moulmein. There was no way for me to communicate with them. We thought we'd be back in a few months." Her voice lowers almost to a whisper. "My father died three months later." The next morning, Maung's oldest friend in Mae Sot extends a rare invitation for me to join her in her garden and we talk for more than an hour among the flourishing acacias. In 1988, Naw Htoo was a 21-year-old zoology student at Moulmein University. A small diamond flashes on her ring finger as she packs a wad of betel nut leaves into her mouth and, with visible effort, casts her mind back to a time of still-potent memories. "I was part of the demonstrations," she says in English, feeling her way slowly back into a language that she uses rarely. "When the government closed my university, I came back to my village, Eain Du Village. I remember, there is a big meeting with all the community leaders, the teachers and the students - and Cynthia was there.

It was decided that we were not safe. If the government arrests us, we will be beyond help. We had to move urgently. "I trusted Cynthia. She was older than me, she knew my village and she had treated everyone there kindly even though they had no money. One day she came to me and said, 'We have to leave tonight'. " Suddenly, she begins to cry, wracking sobs that cause her to tear at her breast. "My mother, my father, they did not know! They were sleeping. We thought we were going for just three to six months. My friends gave me what money they had - 300 kyat - and we left. We thought we'd be back soon!" Maung and Naw Htoo travelled on foot for a week through the jungle, walking at night, sleeping by day and eating wild fruits and banana shoots and what little the villages they passed through could share with them. Maung carried a small bag that contained one medical text book, a stethoscope and some medicine in case they should develop malaria. "Before we leave Eain Du," says Naw Htoo, "my teacher came to me and said, 'Find Mary Ohn. Before you do anything, find Auntie Mary'. " Mary Ohn was a colourful character by anyone's reckoning. She stood just 1.5 metres tall, wore her hair short like a man and dressed like one, too. For more than 40 years, she'd been a general in the Karen National Liberation Army (the armed wing of the KNU) and was both revered and feared.

 She could also sing like an angel, her clear, soprano rendition of Abide With Me able to reduce the most hardened guerilla to tears. After crossing the border one night, the two women found her at Hway Ka'loke camp. Many of the students gathered in the camps were now suffering from malaria, diarrhoea, malnutrition and what would now be called post-traumatic stress disorder. With so few health workers in the region, Maung realised that she had a job to do. "Mary Ohn worked on the Student Affairs Committee and she introduced me to many people so that we could start co-ordinating medical programs," Maung tells me. "One of her contacts offered us a place on this land here in Mae Sot and we moved in in February 1989. It was a barn in a muddy field, very old, wooden with a tin roof that leaked badly. We had to stay here quietly, of course; we had no papers." As Maung began to treat those students most in need of care, the local Catholic church donated dry food, cooking oil and medicine. Then word spread and other donations started to arrive from Burmese exiles living overseas. Naw Htoo chuckles now, her teeth and gums stained red from betel leaves: "They gave me 5000 baht ($178) to go shopping," she says. "I have one big bottle of paracetamol tablets to go round five student camps! I share the tablets out into little packages. Then I do the same with a bottle of ampicillin!"

In 1992, a young man from Hpa-An in Karen State who'd been staying in Wangkha camp was among the first group of students to come to the clinic to begin training. His name was Kyaw Hein. "And I recognise him," says Naw Htoo. "He was the friend of my friend's brother when we were at university in Moulmein." When I ask Maung what it was about Kyaw Hein that first caught her eye, she fixes me with her dark stare and a small eternity passes. Then, simply, "He was very kind to the children and the animals. And he wanted to help." The couple married the same year during a small, Christian ceremony at the clinic. Their guests included Mary Ohn - the collective memory doesn't reveal whether she sang - one of Kyaw Hein's teachers who'd also been at Wangkha, and an uncle of Maung's who was in the KNU. The next year, she gave birth to a son, Peace, at the clinic and a daughter, Crystal, followed in 1994. Maung Maung Tinn, an artist living in Mae Sot, remembers arriving at the clinic after a month spent in the jungle.

 "When I left Hpa-An, my friend told me to find Dr Cynthia," he says. "I thought her name was like a foreigner's name. Maybe she will be very fancy with high heels like in a Hollywood movie. But when I see her, I think she is the ... nanny. She was very simple and very patient, but I saw the strength in her eyes right away." Last year, the Mae Tao Clinic recorded almost 150,000 visits and 12,500 admissions. A stroll around the adult ward in the company of Dr Kate Bruck - an Australian advisor to Maung and one of her oldest and most trusted colleagues here - and senior supervisor Kyaw Kyaw Win is a sobering exercise. A 42-year-old widower, who had a stroke two years ago, is suffering from pneumonia. He was driven here, over the course of a day, by his village headman, who's now taken up a vigil by his friend's bedside. The patient's condition is serious. At intermittent stages, staff rush to his side as he succumbs to another awful, body-wracking seizure. Over the way, a hollow-eyed man, wearing a white Leeds United T-shirt and traditional longyi, sits cross-legged on his bed. He's 48, but looks 20 years older, and has chest pain. An X-ray has shown that his heart is enlarged and a diuretic has been prescribed.

 "We can't afford to perform a lot of tests, so we must use, wherever possible, our clinical acumen," Bruck explains. She suspects he has ischaemic heart disease: "His treatment will be expensive," she says. "He's going to need an angiogram and bypass surgery." The man says that he came here by songthaew (share taxi truck) over two days, a journey that cost him 70,000 kyat ($79). He's the father of four children, the youngest 12-year-old twins. When he tells us that his wife died four years ago, he can't stop the tears spilling down his cheeks. Exhausted, he lies down, pressing a wad of blanket to his eyes. "This is hard," says Bruck quietly. "In Burma this year, the government has allocated just 3.9 per cent of its gross domestic product to healthcare. The military takes 21 per cent." It's easy for the international community to believe that Burma's political situation is improving. In November 2010, we watched the ever-fragrant Aung San Suu Kyi being released from her two-decades-long house arrest by the government; in April last year, she was elected to the lower house of the Burmese parliament, her National Democratic League party taking 43 of the 45 vacant seats; a few months later, she and President Barack Obama hugged awkwardly in front of the word's news cameras outside her Rangoon home. At the beginning of last year, the KNU signed a ceasefire with the regime, calling a halt to six decades of hostilities. And yet, say observers, the truce is a fragile and uneasy one. In the eastern states of Burma, the land is still confiscated, the presence of the military on it now overt, while the human rights abuses continue.

And then there are the landmines. Bruck believes that the terrible injuries they see at the clinic caused by landmine explosions will still be an issue here 100 years from now. "Our problems have only become more complex," says Bruck. "In 2001, it didn't look like there'd be peace in our time in Burma and it was the beginning of Dr Cynthia thinking, 'We need to think of the future of the children. We're going to need to make sure they're educated and protected.' It didn't happen overnight, but she isn't the person to just sit down and say, 'I hope it'll get better.' " The Mae Tao Clinic has become a village. In 2008, with the blessing of the Thai government, Maung built a school, called the Children's Development Centre, a short distance away. Almost 1000 children, the offspring of migrant Burmese workers, arrive every day in pristine blue and white uniforms to attend lessons from kindergarten level to grade 12. It is a beautiful building - long, white and two-storeyed, with a green gabled roof set among fields that, in July, are luxuriant with new growth - and its corridors and classrooms fairly buzz with the flock-like chatter of happy children. They flash smiles of welcome at us. Everywhere, it seems, there are pictures of Maung - here, sitting with Aung San Suu Kyi; there, shaking hand with Nelson Mandela's wife, Graça Machel. Aye Myat Thu, a pretty 25-year-old teacher, invites us into her English class where, demonstrating an impressive grasp of new language, Pet Phoo San, 17, tells us that she would like to become a fashion designer when she leaves school. Su Su Hlaing, who's 18, will teach, she says, while 18-year-old Cha Lute, has dreams of joining the KNU. And yet their smiles mask difficult truths: most of these teens live in nearby boarding houses, also part of the clinic's ever-expanding network, seeing their parents - if, indeed, they still have any - rarely. Aye Myat Thu, who was born in Maung's home town of Moulmein and raised in Rangoon, tells us that this is her first month of teaching at the school; until recently, she was living in Mae La camp, about 45 minutes away. When we ask her gently how she came to be there, her eyes suddenly fill with tears and, wiping her cheeks, she whispers, "Please don't ask me to tell you." In Mae Sot, as any visitor here soon learns, a wellspring of pain is never far below the surface. Naw Annie, who works in the Child Protection Department at the clinic, distributing aid given to the Boarding House Working Group, has known Maung since 2006. In her excellent English she tells me, "I first heard about her on the radio in Burma.

 The way you pronounce 'Mae Tao' in Burmese sounds like a word we have to describe a formidable mother figure. Dr Cynthia is like an orchestra conductor. She's really good at building teams that work on different parts of one big problem. She can always see the big picture even when we can't. People here think she's a hero." For Maung, training and the confidence to apply what they've learnt are the two most vital tools she can give to her 580-odd staff. "We must identify people who are capable of leading their communities when they go back home," she says with urgency. "We want to have a good system in place because we are getting older and we need young people to be in the system. If not, they'll be in trouble, too. The next generation must be able to continue the work." Towards the end of our visit, we spend some time with Maung in her home, a spacious, modestly furnished house a few minutes' drive from the clinic. It's after 8pm and she's long overdue to sit down for dinner with her family and yet, here in her study - a room of photographs, teetering piles of paper and cheerful clutter - she's as focused and clear-eyed as she was sitting in a strategic planning meeting almost 11 hours earlier. Outside, yellow hibiscus flowers nod in the breeze as I ask her about the small team of bodyguards that shadows her every movement here in Mae Sot. Does she still worry for her safety? Another long, penetrating stare; another geological age of silence. "It's true that there is now more movement backwards and forwards over the border than there has ever been," she says carefully, "but what we have come to know is that Burma military intelligence never closes its eyes: it never sleeps. Until there is full reconciliation between the Burmese army and the ethnic groups, it will continue to record information.

My children have never been to Burma; they have no connection to their village there. They want to, but not now. Not yet." Maung's family, like her clinic, has grown with the years. As a well-groomed cat winds around her ankles, she tells us that Peace and Crystal have been joined by Jasmine, now 11, and Aye Chan, who is seven, both of whom were abandoned babies. Fifteen years ago, Maung also took in a traumatised 15-year-old called Ah Moo who, as a young teenager newly arrived from Burma, had been abused by her Thai employer. "She is like the elder sister to my children and another mother for them," she says with a smile. And, finally, there is Nga Nge, a widow she met in one of the refugee camps when Peace was just five months old. She offered her a permanent home, too. "She is also the mother to all of my children," she says. It would be easy for Maung to leave here, to do as her younger brother, who's also a doctor, has done and "resettle" overseas. After the 2010 election, the Myanmar Peace Center came here to ask her to return to Burma to set up a facility, like the Mae Tao Clinic, there. "I explained to them that they need to fully develop what health services already exist inside Burma," she says. "If they do that, then patients won't need to travel for days to come to the border and our clinic here will see a reduction in its workload. Ultimately, the government must upgrade its existing services." She adds, "I won't become a propaganda message for the army.

There is a lot of talk about economic development and foreign investment in Burma, but there is no political dialogue. Peace isn't going to just come like ... rice. The NDL now has a presence in Parliament, but to change policy or constitution, you need consultation with grassroots activists. Aung San Suu Kyii is trying very hard, but our parliamentary members don't participate, don't engage because they are being watched by the army. In the fight for justice and freedom, you must engage." And so Maung stays on the Thai-Burma border. Refugees fold desperate truths into their lives every day. They know that after you've survived the worst that could happen to you - after you've lost your home, your livelihood, members of your family - you must carry on. Here on the border, the business of just carrying on is conducted with a rare kind of dignity and resilience. Inside Dr Cynthia Maung, the woman they call "Mother", these attitudes pulse deeply - and defiantly. When I ask her if she imagines a day when she'll be able to go home, her eyes - those anatomical lightsabres of her internal resolve - blaze. Silence descends. Then, quietly, "Until we see a Human Rights Commission in Burma and until we see ethnic groups taking part in political dialogue, I think it will be very difficult to feel safe there. For now, we will stay here for our people. As long as they need us, we will be here."

  TESTING TIMES

Last year, the Mae Tao Clinic received $3,683,000 in overseas aid, but required more to cover the costs of its programs. Last month, the federal government's AusAID, which has helped support the clinic for three years, announced it won't continue its funding into 2014. At the time of going to print, heavy rain has flooded the clinic, causing patients to be transferred to the school. Valuable stock and equipment have been lost. For more information, see maetaoclinic.org. Dr Cynthia Maung will receive the 2013 Sydney Peace Prize during a ceremony at Sydney University's MacLaurin Hall on November 7 and give the Sydney Peace Prize Lecture in Sydney Town Hall on November 6. For further information and ticket inquiries, go to sydneypeacefoundation.org.au. Sharon Bradley flew to Thailand with the Sydney Peace Foundation and Singapore Airlines.

Peace Prize winner fights for survival of her health clinic







 "The prize is a way of bringing attention to Burma"

The winner of this year's Sydney Peace Prize, to be announced on Saturday, is fighting for the future of her internationally-renowned health clinic based in Thailand after AusAid slashed its funding last month. As famous in Myanmar as her fellow countrywoman Aung San Suu Kyi, Dr Cynthia Maung, 54, has not returned to her homeland since she was forced to flee it, 25 years ago next month, during the great 8888 Uprising. 

The prize is a way of bringing attention to Burma. The Sydney Peace Foundation will announce on Saturday that Dr Maung is the winner of the 2013 Sydney Peace Prize, an international award that celebrates the achievements of an individual who demonstrates in daily life a commitment to the pursuit of peace with justice. Maung has been running a clinic that she founded herself in 1989 in a dilapidated shed in the middle of a muddy field in the northwestern Thai border town of Mae Sot. 

Advertisement But the woman affectionately known as ''Mother'' and her 580-odd staff, most of them from Myanmar like herself, are still reeling from AusAID's announcement last month that it won't continue its funding of the clinic into 2014. Last year, its contribution of 13 million baht ($456,000) amounted to one quarter of the total donations it received. "This money was crucial to improving maternal and child health-quality services to these vulnerable people on the border," says Maung. "We're at a loss to understand the decision." In humble surrounds she treats internally displaced people from Myanmar who continue to be deprived of adequate healthcare in their own country by a harsh ruling junta. 

They travel, sometimes for days on end, to reach the sanctuary of the Mae Tao Clinic, a place where they can safely give birth to their babies, seek treatment for the complex strain of malaria endemic to the region and have their children vaccinated. Last year, it recorded a total of 148,561 visits. The strong credentials of the clinic won over the peace prize judges. "What Dr Cynthia has achieved against the odds really impressed the jury," says foundation chair Professor Stuart Rees. "Her selflessness and the notion that justice is about not financially penalising people for being sick, that healthcare shouldn't be a commercial proposition, affected them greatly." Previous recipients of the award include Sekai Holland, Professor Noam Chomsky, Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu and Xanana Gusmao, president of the National Council for East Timorese Resistance. 

Maung, a woman of immense but quiet dignity, acknowledges the honour with a gracious incline of her head. "The prize is a way of bringing international attention to the plight of Burma," she says. "It highlights that the peace process needs to be monitored by the international community. It's not going to be a gift." 

http://www.brisbanetimes.com.au

Friday, August 16, 2013

It's Too Early to Judge Aung San Suu Kyi

Gordon Welty

Executive Director, Burma Community Builders 

 Last March, Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi was heckled by hundreds of protestors at Latpadaung copper mine, located in Burma, or Myanmar. The protestors were farmers - victims of government-backed land grabs and violent military repression. As chair of the commission tasked to determine the legality of the military's actions and how the farmers should be compensated for their losses, Aung San Suu Kyi's report surprised many throughout the world. The commission did not condemn the military officials responsible for the violence, nor did it allow the farmers to return to their homes. Instead, the farmers were provided financial compensation.

 "All the love we have for you, it's nothing!" said one villager, "Your report is like a death sentence for the people." 

This statement echoes the growing group number of voices inside and outside of Burma disenchanted with the human rights icon turned full-time government politician. During her time under house arrest, Aung San Suu Kyi was compared to individuals as Nelson Mandela, Gandhi, and Vaclav Havel. Were such comparisons naïve and shortsighted? Or do circumstances in Burmese politics tell a different story? Since 1962, poor governance and violent, repressive tactics perpetrated by the country's military have transformed Burma from a regional agricultural and educational leader to an international backwater. Stringent economic and political sanctions by the west over the decades further isolated the pariah state. 

But when Burma's military generals began making unprecedented democratic reforms in 2010, starting with the release of hundreds of political prisoners and removing laws curbing freedom of speech, it sparked hope throughout the world that the military-dominated country was on the verge of transitioning to a full-fledged democracy. Center stage in these developments was Aung San Suu Kyi. The former Burmese leader had spent 15 of the previous 20 years under house arrest after her 1989 landslide election victory was nullified by the military regime. Released in November of 2011, she immediately returned to political campaigning. In the elections of April 2012, Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD won 43 of 44 seats available for election in Burma's Pyithu Hluttaw, or lower house of parliament (the lower house comprises 440 seats in total). 

Despite the NLD's resounding victory, the party possesses very little real political power; most of the other 91% of seats in the Hluttaw are occupied by members of the military or their associates. Many inside and outside Burma mistakenly assume Aung San Suu Kyi wields significant political power. In reality, her influence is quite limited. When Burma's military regime relaxed its repressive policies, the international community, led by the United States and European Union, rewarded the country by lifting long-held economic sanctions and encouraged billions of dollars in private international investment. However, with good reason, critics view the military's pivot toward democracy with skepticism. Fundamental reforms have not been made to the country's power structure. 

Burma's courts, parliament, and executive branch of government lack any real authority over the military. Should the country's experiment toward democracy radically disrupt the military's hold on power, a military coup is a distinct possibility. In public, Aung San Suu Kyi praised the removal of international sanctions and expressed her affinity for the military generals. But sources say in private, she argued vociferously for the staggered removal of sanctions after fundamental democratic milestones had been achieved, such as the reduction of military control over the country. Her arguments went unheeded. Critics wonder how Aung San Suu Kyi could express praise for the military in light of the regime's atrocious human rights record. Perhaps it is because she operates in an extremely tenuous political space. She has made clear her desire to become the country's president in Burma's significant 2015 general elections. The president of Burma wields tremendous domestic power, second only to the military. 

The presidency would provide Aung San Suu Kyi with the power to bring about fundamental democratic reforms that would shape the country's future for decades to come. But she is barred from holding office by Burma's 2008 constitution. Furthermore, changing the constitution requires the approval of over 75% of parliament. The military has constitutionally apportioned itself 25% of seats, effectively making itself the political kingmaker. Cognizant that Aung San Suu Kyi's political future rests in their hands, the military has capitalized on a trifecta of issues that could derail popular support for her and the NLD as they campaign toward the 2015 elections. 

Firstly, Thein Sein, former military general and president of Burma, appointed Aung San Suu Kyi to chair the commission reviewing the Latpadaung copper mine dispute between local farmers and the military. In 2010 the government provided a foreign mining company rights to excavate the mine, which resulted in the forced relocation of hundreds of farming families who were not entitled to a share of the mining profits. In 2012, protesting farmers received severe burns when the military used incendiary devices to disperse their peaceful gatherings. Despite widespread support of the farmers' plight, Aung San Suu Kyi's commission was required to evaluate the Latpadaung dispute based on Burma's existing legal framework in which all land remains the property of the state. This was not widely understood, and by deeming the military's actions legal, she appeared to betray her own human rights record.

 Secondly, due to ongoing military assaults in ethnic regions, nearly half a million internally displaced refugees live in makeshift camps throughout the country. For decades, the military has sought administrative control over the various regions, while prominent ethnic groups have sought to become independent nation-states. By not standing more prominently in support of the minority groups, Aung San Suu Kyi lost the support of key ethnic leaders.

 Thirdly, Aung San Suu Kyi has not been strongly vocal on the issue of discrimination against Burma's unpopular Rohingya and Muslims -- groups reviled by a majority of the country. For many activists, taking a stand would signal a victory for human rights, but by doing so Aung San Suu Kyi would further erode her support inside the country. Aung San Suu Kyi's positions on these matters appear uncharacteristic of the human rights icon who once calmly walked through the pointed rifles of a firing squad until the squad's captain lost his nerve and backed down. The road for Aung San Suu Kyi has been long. She entered political life in 1988 only to endure over two decades of emotional torture and imprisonment. For years at a time, she was not allowed to see her two teenage children. 

The military regime offered a Faustian deal to leave the country at any time to be with her family in the United Kingdom, with the unspoken understanding she could never return to Burma. The military's desire to eliminate her were arguably never more cruel than in 1999, when her husband, stricken with cancer, was denied a visa into Burma. He died three weeks later at his home in Oxford. The experience of gaining power only to have it taken away and the cruelties of her incarceration have afforded Aung San Suu Kyi extraordinary insight into what human beings are capable of. Instead of shying away from politics upon her release in 2011, she plunged right back into the political realm. The same dogged perseverance that gave her the moniker, the "Titanium Orchid," suggests she is operating from a different realm than that of pure self-interest as some critics believe.

 Though her positions appear to be at odds with the world's expectations of a Nobel laureate, from another perspective her recent actions seem to reflect a deep and thoughtful pragmatism, grounded in the awareness of the difficulty in realizing any ideal in the face of strong opposition. At present, Aung San Suu Kyi appears to be pursuing measures necessary to secure her political future from the military regime's grasp. Should Aung San Suu Kyi succeed and become the president of Burma in 2015, she will be in a much stronger position to advance her agenda for justice, human rights, and democracy. Until her political destiny is secure, it is too early to judge her.

Thursday, August 15, 2013

Shocker in Migrant Worker court case: Evidence with ‘blanco’

Observers in court were stunned when an employer in a labour dispute with a migrant worker produced evidence with liquid paper marks on it. Rani Rasiah reports. 

  On 29 July 2013, the hearing continued in the Aye Cho versus New Zonic Enterprise labour case

Somahsundram of MTUC appeared for the worker and Yang Berhormat Thomas Su, lawyer and MP for Ipoh Timur, represented the boss. Aye Cho had filed a case in early 2012 at the Labour Department in Ipoh against his employer for non-payment of overtime work, denial of annual leave and unlawful levy deductions. He and four other Myanmar workers had tried to raise these with the employer, who responded by sacking two of them on the spot. On the 29th morning, Chan Lark Sye, the employer, his face expressionless as usual, sat in the dock. It was Soma’s turn to cross-examine him.

  Soma: How many days of annual leave did Aye Cho take in 2011?

Aye Cho had complained that he had been denied annual leave (AL) for his entire four and a half years of employment at New Zonic Enterprise, a printing company.

  Boss: 14 days.

At an earlier hearing, Thomas Su had tendered photocopies of the clock cards for 2011 as exhibits to show that the company had indeed granted Aye Cho annual leave. Fourteen dates had been mentioned as Aye Cho’s annual leave days in 2011, and these had been shown by Su to correspond with 14 blanks on the clock card copies. For the 29th hearing, the original clock cards for 2011 were produced.

  Soma: (referring to the original clock cards for 2011):

 Why has ‘blanco’ (liquid paper) been used for 16 and 17 April 2011?

Boss: I think, some other worker mistakenly punched the card.

Soma: What about 25 April 2011? Has blanco been used?

Boss: Yes. Soma: Why? Boss: I think same reason as on 16 and 17 April.

Soma: June 2011, 11 and 12 June. 

Was blanco used?

  Boss: Yes.

Soma continued in the same manner, for the remainder of the 14 days, including 1 September 2011, where there were ink marks as well over the blanco. Fourteen days of annual leave appeared to have been created on paper by blanking out machine print marks with liquid paper.

 What a bold piece, I thought, of the employer to coolly produce such evidence before the court. No register of records of annual leave etc was produced to back up his claim. Also, the cards had apparently been tampered to reflect two and a half hours less overtime every day to justify paying two and a half hours less than the actual overtime hours worked.

 How should the various actors in this hearing react when faced with such evidence? We leave it to the wisdom of the court to decide. Seeking justice in this instance is a desperate migrant worker, unexpectedly dismissed and unable to return home empty-handed to his family of six young children, wife and aged mother.

With our help, Aye Cho had filed complaints in March 2012 at the labour department for monetary claims and the industrial relations department for reinstatement. The boss went on to unilaterally cancel his work permit, making the worker illegal and exposed to all the risks entailed. It took five months before the cases were heard at the labour and industrial courts.

During this entire period, Aye Cho remained ‘illegal’ not because he was naturally inclined to flout rules, but because the Immigration Department refused to entertain his application for a pass to remain in the country. Their stand was that the dismissed worker should return to his home country and come back after the court dates were fixed.

Clearly, the Immigration Department did not recognise the right to redress provided by the Employment Act, and was free to invalidate it. Once court dates were given, Immigration issued the Special Pass for Aye Cho. It was not the end of his woes though. The Special Pass is issued at a charge of RM100 for a maximum of 30 days each time, and generally it is renewable only for three months.

 The worst and most cruel thing about the Special Pass for people like Aye Cho is that it forbids the holder from working. The pass holder can remain in the country to attend court hearings but he is not allowed to earn. But there are essential expenses to meet – upkeep, legal fees and interpreter charges.

In essence then, the sacked migrant worker has no choice but to return home without his grouses being heard and dealt with. Malaysian laws related to redress belong to the era of slavery and all migrant workers are potential victims. Aye Cho is already victimised by such bad immigration policies. He shouldn’t be doubly victimised by evidence with blanco.

 - ALIRAN

There are hundreds of Burmese Migrants and Refugees have not been  paid by their employers even though they have to work for more than 12 hours a day. A lot of Migrants and Refugees have experienced but there has been no complains about it. This guy is what a hero!. We believe that he is doing the right job for every Migrant working in Malaysia. It is obvious that most of the benefits have been taken away from workers by Job Agencies and the Employers. I used to have to work for a restaurant in Malaysia for 17 hours a day but I was denied to pay off my Over Times. This is not only Aye Cho experienced but a lot of Migrants in Malaysia having the same problems.

- Myanmar Migrants and Refugees Network

Wednesday, August 14, 2013

Local Burmese Chin refugees launch clothing line

Ragini Venkatasubban | rvenkatasubban@mrt.com | 


The Chin Collection













Flared pants, colorful skirts and tiny onesies hung on racks Sunday evening at the First Presbyterian Church as shoppers milled around, contemplating their purchases. It looked like a regular launch party for a new children's clothing line -- with one big difference. 

The clothes were all part of the Chin Collection, a custom children's clothing line handcrafted by Burmese refugee women living in Midland. 

The four seamstresses who produced the collection escaped from their native Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, in the face of religious and ethnic persecution and came to the U.S. as refugees, moving to Midland because of the abundance of jobs. But once they settled in Midland, depression and isolation often set in, said Carrie McKean, founder of Scarlet Threads, the organization that houses the Chin Collection. The refugees received little or no support to help them process their painful memories of Myanmar and assimilate to the U.S. They worked long hours in stores such as H-E-B and Wal-Mart, thrust into a new country where many didn't even know the language. 

The women needed a supplemental income and marketable skills, but most of all, they needed a way to belong to the community, McKean said. Thus launched the Chin Collection, a custom children's clothing line designed by Midlander Mellie Jordan and handmade by Du, Aye, Tum and Dawt -- four women belonging to the Chin ethnic group of Myanmar. The four seamstresses produced the entire collection in the past three months, McKean said. Two of them had been seamstresses in Myanmar, but on old, foot-powered sewing machines, because of the lack of electricity in their villages. Midlander Lori Blong taught them how to use electric sewing machines -- and taught the other two to sew for the first time. Dawt, who came to the U.S. in 2011, said she didn't know how to sew, but Blong made it easy to learn. "When I start, I feel very hard," she said. "But after one day, I feel very easy."

 Blong said communication was rough at first, but the sewing gave the women a break between their jobs at H-E-B and Wal-Mart, helping them build relationships with Midlanders and assimilate to the community. The collection includes clothes for newborns to size 6, ranging from $20-$30 per piece. Jordan said they hope to employ more Burmese seamstresses and release a new collection every season. More than making clothes, however, McKean said Scarlet Threads' purpose is to help the Burmese adjust to life in Midland.

 The Chin ethnic group is predominantly Christian and faced religious persecution from the Buddhist government in addition to the ongoing political turmoil in Myanmar. Though the situation in Myanmar has now improved, there are plenty of refugees in Midland who still need help, McKean said. When Dawt first came to Midland, she said she felt it was "boring," but after becoming involved with the Chin Collection, she said she feels "very happy." 

Those interested in the Chin Collection or helping the Burmese refugees can email chincollection@scarletthreads.org. 

Tuesday, August 13, 2013

Rockhampton Sister of Mercy tells of time with refugees

Rockhampton Sister of Mercy Pat Wood
Rockhampton Sister of Mercy Pat Wood

ROCKHAMPTON Sister of Mercy Pat Wood has seen first hand the uncertainty in the eyes of asylum seekers on Christmas Island. Earlier this year Sister Pat spent two months on the island witnessing the aimless wanderings of detainees, men, women and children; wondering if they would ever get the chance to start a new life in Australia. 

 These people were from all walks of life, coming from Afghanistan, Sri Lanka, Burma, Iran and Iraq; the majority of whom had fled from life-threatening situations in their home countries to seek asylum. Sister Pat arrived at Christmas Island in January of this year as part of the Jesuit Refugee Service, looking to help out where she could. "The way I describe my work, is that its pastoral care work and we're trying to be a friend to people and to try and give them hope," she said. 

 While asylum seekers are out of harm's way on Christmas Island, Sister Pat explains how the lonely environment of detention, is no place to call home. She explains how little there is to do for the people in the centres, although the largest centre which housed about 1500 single men was much better equipped than that of the smaller complexes for families.

 And only a handful of children get the privilege of going to school. "Some children were allowed to attend the local public school on the island, but because these education resources are limited, this number was very small," Sister Pat said. "On school days I used to see the children always waiting at the gate an hour before they were due to leave for school, talking excitedly amongst each other. "For them it was an opportunity to get away from the mind-dulling confinement of the detention centre and to mix with other children in a more normal environment," she said.

 One of Sister Pat's concerns is that the detention centre environment can breed depression. "The detention centres are built like a jail and the family centre is quite crowded, with people wandering around as there's nothing for them to do," she said.

"We're treating them like cattle; it's as if nobody wants them."

Sister Pat is now dedicating her time to trying to give the wider community the correct information about asylum seekers and refugees in Australia. "People need to be confronted with the facts," she said. 

Definitions 

 Refugee - any person who owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group. 

 Asylum Seeker - an individual who is seeking international protection.