Rohingya families happy to celebrate Ramadan in Malaysia

KUALA LUMPUR: Spending his third Ramadan in Malaysia, schoolteacher and Rohingya refugee Arfat Ganumia is not at all optimistic that the newly democratic Myanmar will be rolling out a welcome mat for the Rohingya anytime soon.

The forecast looks the same for this ethnic minority, even as Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) takes the mantle to build a democratic bedrock in formerly authoritarian Myanmar.

However, not all is gloomy.

Arfat, who teaches some 130 children at the Al-Akhlas Rohingya refugee school in Selayang, appreciates Malaysia for its peacefulness, tolerance and generosity, especially during this time of the year.

Back in Myanmar, he said the biggest challenge during Ramadan was for Muslims to perform congregational prayers at the mosque for the five daily prayers andtarawih.

“Sometimes we would get stopped and questioned when we headed to the mosque in a group,” said Arfat, 33, recalling three decades of Ramadan in Myanmar.

There were even times when they were attacked or arrested, he said.

In fact, the Law degree holder added, Rohingya families are happy to be able to celebrate the holy month as Malaysian Muslim families do. They can fast, cook, eat and pray together without worrying about systematic mistreatment due to their identity.

The Myanmar government’s ethnic pigeonholing scheme does not recognise the Rohingya as an ethnic group, causing them to be stateless.

“Alhamdulillah (Praise be to God), I have a good life in Malaysia. I have everything,” he said, grinning from ear to ear.

At the Al-Akhlas school, Ramadan is marked by the spirit of charity from both outside and within the community. This is because the Rohingya are not just free to celebrate their Islamic culture here, but their children are also free to learn.

Checks by The Star at the school showed children aged five to 15 studying English, Burmese, Malay and Mathematics.

Ramadan also typically sees more volunteers arriving at the school’s doorsteps bearing food, clothes and books.

In return, Arfat distributes instant noodles and rice to the families of the Al-Akhlas children and the other schoolteachers.

The families would then prepare and distribute halim among the school community. Halim is a dish made of rice and meat diluted in broth, similar to Malaysia’s bubur.

As of April this year, there are 53,410 Rohingya refugees registered with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in Malaysia.

http://www.thestar.com.my

Refugees Plant The Seeds Of A New Community In Kansas City

Beh paw Gaw is a New Roots graduate and a Karen refugee from Myanmar. Now she has her own three acre farm which she runs with her sister Pay lay, who is also a graduate of the New Roots program.Oluwakemi Aladesuyi/NPR

Farming is nothing new to Kansas. But now it's drawing in a new community that's trying to bridge the divide between life in another country and one in the United States.

i

New Roots for Refugees encourages refugees to become independent through farming.Courtesy of Cultivate Kansas City

In the midst of boxy yellow and brown public housing, beyond the highway and past empty grain elevators, sits Juniper Farm. It's spread over nine acres on the Kansas side of Kansas City.

As their children play on the grassy knoll behind us, four women sit at a plastic picnic table speaking in Karen, a language spoken in parts of Myanmar.

They're students at a program called New Roots for Refugees. The program aims to teach the basics and business of farming to refugees over the course of four years. At the end, many of the graduates are ready to start farms of their own.

It's a joint effort between Catholic Charities and Cultivate Kansas City, a nonprofit that encourages locally-grown food and urban agriculture.

"It is like practical education here. So I love it very much," says Dhan Rai, a first-year farmer from Bhutan.

Many of the men and women at New Roots come from Myanmar or Bhutan. Some were farmers in their homelands. But farming on the outskirts of Kansas City is different: the land, the crops and even the weather.

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Sisi Cho is a third-year farmer at New Roots and a refugee from Myanmar. She was the first New Roots farmer to sell produce this year at the KC Eat Local and Organic Expo in early April.Lily Siebert/Courtesy of Cultivate Kansas City

As a train passes, Sisi Cho plants zucchini seeds and baby heads of kale in her quarter-acre plot behind the greenhouse. Before this she was living in a refugee camp in Malaysia.

"America government is good. No separate color or race. Everything good," she says.

Earlier this month she sold spinach, spring garlic and radishes at a local farmers market. She's the first New Roots farmer to sell produce this season.

The refugees here fled ethnic violence and military oppression that made their people victims of torture, systemic rape and forced labor. In addition to Bhutan and Myanmar, refugees from Somalia, Burundi and Sudan have taken part in the program.

For some, escape meant enduring years in cramped refugee camps. Entire families shared one room shelters, covered with roofs made of plastic sheeting.

Many who've come here are happy to have escaped violence. But adapting to life in a new country, with a different language and customs, is still difficult. Many refugees struggle economically.

So the New Roots program aims to teach refugees more than just farming.

Sam Davis is a site manager at the farm. He teaches refugees how to farm, how to manage a small business, and how to navigate other obstacles of integrating into American society.

Sam Davis is a site manager at Juniper Farm. He sits in the greenhouse, where the refugees learn how to get an early start on the growing season.Oluwakemi Aladesuyi/NPR

"Mr. Sam," as the students call him, says he can understand feeling out of place. His family moved here from Arkansas about 60 years ago. "We were Americans coming to Kansas ... but it was like going to another country. You had to fight your way to school, you had to fight your way home," he laughs.

Fitting in was hard for Davis because he spoke a different dialect. It's one way he relates to the refugees. "The language I don't understand. The expression most of the time I understand," he says. "But that's actually how I communicate with them. And I don't give up."

It's that spirit that encourages August Gaw. She's 25 years old and often translates for her mother, Beh paw Gaw, who graduated from New Roots a few years ago. "Even if they don't know the English that much, when they speak, Sam will understand my mom," she says.

August used to come here to help her mother. But now Beh paw has her own 3-acre farm which she runs with her sister. Last year the operation made more than $10,000. The potential to make money is important; many refugee families live below the poverty level.

Davis says New Roots benefits more people than just the farmers. "They can keep doing what they did in their homeland," he says. "And if they get enough land it continues to go on. It feeds back into the community, the neighborhood."

And creating that sense of community, of establishing "new roots," is another goal of the program.

"My mom came to work here and then she met other people here," says August Gaw. "And we feel very close to each other and much better."

www.npr.org

This is the best opportunity for New Comer Refugees to the State. 

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Are elections enough to bring about a true democracy?

On 8 November, Myanmar is due to hold a general election. Cardinal Charles Bo raises questions regarding key issues such as human rights, economic inequalities and social and religious discrimination

PAOLO AFFATATO, ROME

Everyone agrees that it will be a decisive step in the country’s history: the general election in Myanmar, which have just been announced for November 8th, will be the first since the country moved from military dictatorship to civil government in March 2011. 

This coming autumn’s election represents an important step along the country’s journey towards democracy and could definitively do away with the “generals in civilian clothes” who, as capable transformists, have stayed in power until now.

There are a total of 1,100 seats that need to be filled, including those of the two-chamber National Parliament and those of the provincial assemblies. The new Parliament will have the task of electing the President of the nation. 

There are two main contending parties: the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) which is currently in power and full of former members of the military and the National League for Democracy (NLD), headed by Nobel Peace Prize winner, Aung San Suu Kyi. The two parties are the same ones that came head to head in the last democratic elections the country held in 1990. Aung San Suu Kyi won with an overwhelming majority but the military junta nullified the election result.

The Catholic Church shares in the view that this is a “historic moment” for the Burmese people. In a majority Buddhist country, there is a small approximately 500,000-strong community of Catholics who form 1% of Myanmar’s population.

The Church asks one fundamental question: are elections sufficient in defining a democracy and determining how democratic a country is? It answers by highlighting how essential the following principles are amongst others: human rights, religious freedom, inter-denominational harmony, respect and peaceful co-existence with ethnic minorities, equal opportunities and fighting against poverty and economic and social inequalities.

On behalf of the Catholic Church, Burmese cardinal Charles Maung Bo, esteemed Archbishop of Yangon and an influential public figure who speaks frankly, raised doubts and offered hints for collective reflection and the common good of the country.

In a shrewd analysis of the situation, Bo mentioned “seven swords that pierce the nation’s heart”: a nepotistic capitalism, where a few families possess most of the wealth; a refusal to resolve conflicts through dialogue, opting for violence instead; unfair laws that continue to deprive farmers of their land; a criminal economy of drugs and human trafficking; discrimination against ethnic minorities; the destruction of natural resources and scarce educational and occupational opportunities for the poor.

With this in mind, the cardinal sent out a heartfelt appeal to political leaders, inviting them to be “good parents to the whole nation”. “In accordance with our traditions, as ‘parents of the people’, our political leaders have the right and duty to promote the wellbeing of everyone,” he said in a message published by Vatican news agency Fides.

The Archbishop of Yangon recalled the expectations of the Burmese people, with 50 years of dictatorship at an end and a democratic transition in full swing. Bo pointed to the hair-raising figures of the latest census: 40% of the Burmese population lives under the poverty line and in some states, such as Chin and Rakine, poverty levels reach 70%. And poverty generates the migration phenomenon: there are over 200,000 displaced people within the country and thousands more Burmese refugees in neighbouring countries.

The cardinal clearly stated that “political leaders did not fulfil our expectations: they have become the guardians of a nepotistic capitalism in an economy that is purely motivated by profit,” putting the interests of the élites above all else.

Another sore spot: leaders have been unable to control widespread acts of hatred and intolerance committed by extremist religious groups, for example, the violent “ethnic cleansing” campaign promoted by the nationalist Buddhist fringe against Rohingya Muslims. The conflict with ethnic minorities - given the nation’s mosaic of ethnicities - is another key question that has led to the hypothesis of a federal state being considered as a solution.

Bo raised some serious questions: “Will political leaders manage to avoid discriminating against citizens on the basis of ethnicity or religion? Will they be able to accept equality and build a united nation?”

Principles such as respect for the human rights of everyone, unity and equality are at the root of democracy. This is the message that the Church is trying to get across ahead of an electoral competition that could mark the start of a new era in Myanmar.

http://vaticaninsider.lastampa.it

It's Too Early to Judge Aung San Suu Kyi

Gordon Welty

Executive Director, Burma Community Builders 

 Last March, Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi was heckled by hundreds of protestors at Latpadaung copper mine, located in Burma, or Myanmar. The protestors were farmers - victims of government-backed land grabs and violent military repression. As chair of the commission tasked to determine the legality of the military's actions and how the farmers should be compensated for their losses, Aung San Suu Kyi's report surprised many throughout the world. The commission did not condemn the military officials responsible for the violence, nor did it allow the farmers to return to their homes. Instead, the farmers were provided financial compensation.

 "All the love we have for you, it's nothing!" said one villager, "Your report is like a death sentence for the people." 

This statement echoes the growing group number of voices inside and outside of Burma disenchanted with the human rights icon turned full-time government politician. During her time under house arrest, Aung San Suu Kyi was compared to individuals as Nelson Mandela, Gandhi, and Vaclav Havel. Were such comparisons naïve and shortsighted? Or do circumstances in Burmese politics tell a different story? Since 1962, poor governance and violent, repressive tactics perpetrated by the country's military have transformed Burma from a regional agricultural and educational leader to an international backwater. Stringent economic and political sanctions by the west over the decades further isolated the pariah state. 

But when Burma's military generals began making unprecedented democratic reforms in 2010, starting with the release of hundreds of political prisoners and removing laws curbing freedom of speech, it sparked hope throughout the world that the military-dominated country was on the verge of transitioning to a full-fledged democracy. Center stage in these developments was Aung San Suu Kyi. The former Burmese leader had spent 15 of the previous 20 years under house arrest after her 1989 landslide election victory was nullified by the military regime. Released in November of 2011, she immediately returned to political campaigning. In the elections of April 2012, Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD won 43 of 44 seats available for election in Burma's Pyithu Hluttaw, or lower house of parliament (the lower house comprises 440 seats in total). 

Despite the NLD's resounding victory, the party possesses very little real political power; most of the other 91% of seats in the Hluttaw are occupied by members of the military or their associates. Many inside and outside Burma mistakenly assume Aung San Suu Kyi wields significant political power. In reality, her influence is quite limited. When Burma's military regime relaxed its repressive policies, the international community, led by the United States and European Union, rewarded the country by lifting long-held economic sanctions and encouraged billions of dollars in private international investment. However, with good reason, critics view the military's pivot toward democracy with skepticism. Fundamental reforms have not been made to the country's power structure. 

Burma's courts, parliament, and executive branch of government lack any real authority over the military. Should the country's experiment toward democracy radically disrupt the military's hold on power, a military coup is a distinct possibility. In public, Aung San Suu Kyi praised the removal of international sanctions and expressed her affinity for the military generals. But sources say in private, she argued vociferously for the staggered removal of sanctions after fundamental democratic milestones had been achieved, such as the reduction of military control over the country. Her arguments went unheeded. Critics wonder how Aung San Suu Kyi could express praise for the military in light of the regime's atrocious human rights record. Perhaps it is because she operates in an extremely tenuous political space. She has made clear her desire to become the country's president in Burma's significant 2015 general elections. The president of Burma wields tremendous domestic power, second only to the military. 

The presidency would provide Aung San Suu Kyi with the power to bring about fundamental democratic reforms that would shape the country's future for decades to come. But she is barred from holding office by Burma's 2008 constitution. Furthermore, changing the constitution requires the approval of over 75% of parliament. The military has constitutionally apportioned itself 25% of seats, effectively making itself the political kingmaker. Cognizant that Aung San Suu Kyi's political future rests in their hands, the military has capitalized on a trifecta of issues that could derail popular support for her and the NLD as they campaign toward the 2015 elections. 

Firstly, Thein Sein, former military general and president of Burma, appointed Aung San Suu Kyi to chair the commission reviewing the Latpadaung copper mine dispute between local farmers and the military. In 2010 the government provided a foreign mining company rights to excavate the mine, which resulted in the forced relocation of hundreds of farming families who were not entitled to a share of the mining profits. In 2012, protesting farmers received severe burns when the military used incendiary devices to disperse their peaceful gatherings. Despite widespread support of the farmers' plight, Aung San Suu Kyi's commission was required to evaluate the Latpadaung dispute based on Burma's existing legal framework in which all land remains the property of the state. This was not widely understood, and by deeming the military's actions legal, she appeared to betray her own human rights record.

 Secondly, due to ongoing military assaults in ethnic regions, nearly half a million internally displaced refugees live in makeshift camps throughout the country. For decades, the military has sought administrative control over the various regions, while prominent ethnic groups have sought to become independent nation-states. By not standing more prominently in support of the minority groups, Aung San Suu Kyi lost the support of key ethnic leaders.

 Thirdly, Aung San Suu Kyi has not been strongly vocal on the issue of discrimination against Burma's unpopular Rohingya and Muslims -- groups reviled by a majority of the country. For many activists, taking a stand would signal a victory for human rights, but by doing so Aung San Suu Kyi would further erode her support inside the country. Aung San Suu Kyi's positions on these matters appear uncharacteristic of the human rights icon who once calmly walked through the pointed rifles of a firing squad until the squad's captain lost his nerve and backed down. The road for Aung San Suu Kyi has been long. She entered political life in 1988 only to endure over two decades of emotional torture and imprisonment. For years at a time, she was not allowed to see her two teenage children. 

The military regime offered a Faustian deal to leave the country at any time to be with her family in the United Kingdom, with the unspoken understanding she could never return to Burma. The military's desire to eliminate her were arguably never more cruel than in 1999, when her husband, stricken with cancer, was denied a visa into Burma. He died three weeks later at his home in Oxford. The experience of gaining power only to have it taken away and the cruelties of her incarceration have afforded Aung San Suu Kyi extraordinary insight into what human beings are capable of. Instead of shying away from politics upon her release in 2011, she plunged right back into the political realm. The same dogged perseverance that gave her the moniker, the "Titanium Orchid," suggests she is operating from a different realm than that of pure self-interest as some critics believe.

 Though her positions appear to be at odds with the world's expectations of a Nobel laureate, from another perspective her recent actions seem to reflect a deep and thoughtful pragmatism, grounded in the awareness of the difficulty in realizing any ideal in the face of strong opposition. At present, Aung San Suu Kyi appears to be pursuing measures necessary to secure her political future from the military regime's grasp. Should Aung San Suu Kyi succeed and become the president of Burma in 2015, she will be in a much stronger position to advance her agenda for justice, human rights, and democracy. Until her political destiny is secure, it is too early to judge her.

RSS Text Size Print Share This Refugee numbers swell, and Tampa area is a hot spot

TAMPA --

A year into his new life in the Tampa area, Reuben Hrang already has put 35,000 miles on his used Honda CR-V.

Hrang, 51, ministers to the region's small but growing population of refugees from Myanmar, the country formerly known as Burma. His congregants are scattered from St. Petersburg to Brandon to western Pasco County.

"No need for GPS," Hrang said in heavily accented English. "After six months, I know all of Tampa Bay."

Florida has the nation's largest refugee population, and Tampa is second in the state only to Miami as a refugee relocation site. Since 2007, the state has absorbed more than 137,000 foreign residents from Cuba, Somalia and 95 other countries, according to the Florida Department of Children & Families.

In Tampa, those refugees add to an international population fed by foreign students enrolled at the University of South Florida, foreign workers meeting demand for jobs in technical fields and even members of foreign militaries serving at MacDill Air Force Base.

Together, more than 15,000 people moved to Hillsborough County from other countries in 2011, according to statistics released this month by the U.S. Census Bureau. The number also includes service members who are U.S. citizens returning from overseas deployment and American citizens moving to the mainland from Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands and other overseas territories.

Also in 2011, Hillsborough County recorded nearly 200,000 foreign-born residents, up nearly 20 percent from the previous five years. Less than half of those immigrants were naturalized citizens. About two-thirds were from Latin America.

Since Vicente Martinez-Ybor founded Ybor City as a cigar-making center more than a century ago, Tampa has been a magnet for immigrants. Immigrants today are young, and they come from around the globe, but that historic trend shows no signs of abating.

What gives it a modern twist, though, is the growing proportion of white retirees in the overall population. Against these shifts, one question is whether diverse cultures will thrive independent of one another, clash or find ways to blend at the edges.

"We're at this unique period in history where we have all these baby boomers that are retiring and all the high levels of immigration that we've had for decades have increased diversity among young families," said Mark Mather, a demographer with the Washington, D.C.-based Population Reference Bureau.

"Florida's kind of a test case as to whether or not these groups can actually make it work."

* * * * *

Hrang lives at the cutting edge of that change.

He arrived with his wife and five children last year in Town 'N' Country after spending four years in refugee camps in Malaysia. He joined a growing population of people fleeing religious and ethnic persecution in their home country.

Many have found a spiritual home at the First Baptist Church of Temple Terrace, where Hrang is a part-time minister. During the week, the church also offers English lessons to a mix of students from around the world.

"Our goal is to do what we can to make life better for the people that come here," said Pastor Joe Germain, who emigrated from the Caribbean island of Dominica in 1990.

Aside from its regular English-language services, the church also has services in Chinese for students from USF. Hrang leads services in Burmese for 150 parishioners, representing the kaleidoscope of ethnic groups fleeing Myanmar.

On Sunday nights, Hrang serves a second congregation, this one composed of about 100 members of his own Chin ethnic group. That group meets wherever it can find space in Town 'N' Country. Hrang dreams of finding a piece of property the group can call its own.

Christianity came to Burma in the 1880s when the country was part of the British Empire.

Hrang grew up a Baptist. His parents gave their children biblical names rather than traditional Burmese ones to reflect their faith, he said.

After working as a minister in Myanmar for 17 years, Hrang fled with his family in 2007 when the military junta ruling the country began pressing the country's tribes to conform to the language and religion of the majority Burmese group, Hrang said.

Four years later, the family landed in Hillsborough County, where Clearwater-based Gulf Coast Jewish and Community Services helped them settle in.

"Refugees are incredibly resilient," said Ann Marie Winter, the nonprofit center's program director. "Their focus is on getting their kids in school and building credit and getting a car."

 

 

Hrang has done all those things in the past year. He also has obtained a green card, allowing him to work in the United States. It was one of nearly 9,000 green cards issued every year in the Tampa area. In five years, he and his wife can join the 7,000 or so Tampa-area residents who become naturalized citizens each year.

In the meantime, Hrang travels hundreds of miles a month across Hillsborough, Pinellas and Pasco counties, ministering to his fellow immigrants from Myanmar.

"I'm translator and driver and pastor and chaplain," Hrang said. The police call him to interpret when necessary. Once he helped translate during the birth of a baby.

As political repression recedes in Myanmar, Hrang faces a dilemma that he shares with many refugees: Return to his old homeland or embrace his new one.

"It depends on God," Hrang said.

Hrang's sisters still live in Myanmar, but the rest of his family — including his brother David — lives here. He and his wife Mary, a Publix sushi chef, have green cards. His children, like so many young immigrants, have increasingly Americanized.

Then there are his congregants.

"I'm the only Myanmar pastor in Tampa," Hrang said. "I prefer to stay here and go back to Burma on a mission."

US to ease sanctions on imports from Myanmar

In a move that is expected to give a significant economic boost to Myanmar, the US has said it will begin easing restrictions on imports of goods from the southeast Asian country in recognition of efforts by its government to bring the country back on the road to democracy.

The announcement was made by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton during her meeting with Myanmar’s President U Thein Sein on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly on Wednesday.

It comes just a week after Myanmar’s pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi embarked on a historic visit to the United States and urged lifting of sanctions on her country.

“In recognition of the continued progress toward reform and in response to requests from both the government and the opposition, the United States is taking the next step in normalizing our commercial relationship. We will begin the process of easing restrictions on imports of Burmese goods into the US,” Clinton said before her meeting with Sein here.

Clinton expressed hope that the move would provide more opportunities for the people of Myanmar to sell their goods into the US market.

“We have watched as you and your government have continued the steady process of reform, and we’ve been pleased to respond with specific steps that recognize the government’s efforts and encourage further reform,” she said.

Everyone loves having good neighbours

In the past two months, Thailand has received two prominent figures from its former pariah neighbour, Myanmar.

That the recent visits to Thailand by Myanmar democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, left, and President Thein Sein, above, were such big news items here shows a changing mentality among Thai people towards welcoming a former enemy now seen as a resource-rich potential business partner.

Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi visited in June and reformist president Thein Sein has just concluded a trip focusing on trade collaboration.

Despite both being hailed as successful in their own way, each carried contrasting messages to the kingdom.

Mrs Suu Kyi's visit was to attend the World Economic Forum in Bangkok and she received full media coverage and attention. This was a rock star visit and a huge inspiration to many Thais and migrant Myanmar people.

At the forum, Mrs Suu Kyi's message was to warn investors against "reckless optimism" in Myanmar's political reform.

"Even the best investment laws would be of no use whatsoever if there are no courts that are clean enough and independent enough to be able to administer those laws justly," she said. "This is our problem: So far we have not been aware of any reforms on the judicial front."

Was she overly pessimistic, as some observers suggested? At the very least, Mrs Suu Kyi definitely contradicted the nature of Thein Sein's visit this week.

Last week, the former general and protege of Than Shwe landed at Don Mueang airport. Although his arrival was rather modest compared to that of Mrs Suu Kyi, Thai newspapers still treated it as front-page news _ a sign of Myanmar's newfound respectability.

Thai radio and television also covered the visit with discussions focusing on Myanmar's recent political opening and, of course, newfound business opportunities in the mysterious once-hermit nation _ a traditional enemy of Thailand's ancient Lanna and Siamese kingdoms.

His visit was transparently all about boosting business between the neighbours and inviting more investment rather than preaching democracy and human rights.

Activists were bound to be disappointed, even if they were perhaps not surprised, that these thorny subjects remained conspicuously absent from talks.

The fact is Thailand is the second largest investor in Myanmar _ bilateral trade amounted to US$6.1 billion (195 billion baht) last year and was beaten only by China.

Since 1988, a flurry of Thai generals and businessmen have frequently visited Myanmar despite its appalling human rights record and the thousands of political prisoners kept incarcerated. The bottom line is that Thailand has never missed an opportunity to develop commercial relations.

More importantly, Thai leaders were the ones who broke Myanmar's diplomatic isolation under Saw Maung after he staged a bloody coup in September 1988. Then-army chief Chavalit Yongchaiyudh led businessmen on a controversial visit to Myanmar.

So it is not surprising to see that Thai-Myanmar relations remain strong despite occasional hiccups over the past decade.

Last week, Thein Sein, who once served as commander of the Triangle Command overseeing the Thailand, Laos and Myanmar border area, signed three memoranda of understanding aimed at tightening economic links between the two countries.

The MoUs focused on the Dawei deep-sea port on Myanmar's southwest coast as well as development cooperation in Myanmar and joint energy sector projects. There is a plan to link Dawei with the Laem Chabang deep-sea port in Chon Buri province to dramatically cut transport time between central Thailand and Chennai in India.

Thailand cannot readily afford to lose Dawei _ the multi-billion-dollar port and special economic zone project is in doubt following Nay Pyi Taw's rejection of a coal-fired power plant in the area and the withdrawal of domestic partner, the Max Myanmar Group. Thai construction conglomerate Italian-Thai Development, the scheme's major backer, is reportedly struggling to raise the finances needed to make it happen.

Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra thanked Thein Sein for his "reaffirmed commitment to Dawei" and added that "both sides agreed to build connectivity between Dawei and Laem Chabang", which he visited on July 22.

Thein Sein also met top executives from Charoen Pokphand, Siam Cement Group and PTT Plc, which will soon be investing more in Myanmar.

There is no doubt that Thai investors are upbeat as Western nations, including the United States, ease sanctions on Myanmar as they know their neighbour still has plenty to offer. Although there is more discussion needed on how Thailand's business investments will be protected, Thais are quite optimistic that Myanmar's recent political and economic opening will not make an abrupt U-turn. There is even renewed interest among Thais to learn Burmese, Myanmar's lingua franca.

Myanmar's natural energy resources will be the biggest area of mutual interest between the neighbouring countries.

Ms Yingluck visited Myanmar last year and deals announced at the time included two oil field concessions granted to Thailand.

Thailand does not have abundant domestic energy supplies and benefits greatly by having a source of natural gas sitting next door. There is also a political dynamic to this relationship _ it is fitting to see Myanmar becoming more open as the Shinawatras reassume power in Thailand. Their mutual economic and political interests will no doubt lead to a period of increased interaction.

Last year, ex-prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra visited Myanmar once again. During his visit, Thaksin had a chance to meet ex-junta chief Than Shwe, despite the latter being retired and no longer officially involved in government business. However, there is little doubt that Than Shwe, though formally out of the picture, remains the key patron of the present regime.

When word of Thaksin's visit leaked in the media, the former Thai premier said that he travelled to "smooth the way" for his sister's trip. Indeed, Ms Yingluck subsequently visited Myanmar soon after her brother.

Thaksin has had his eyes on the excellent prospects of Myanmar's tourism industry for many years now. When prime minister, he proposed the construction of a ski resort in the snow-capped mountains of Kachin State and the development of the unspoiled beaches of Arakan State. Lately, he was said to have expressed interest in the Dawei project.

But despite the obvious economic incentives for Thailand, there are many areas the two countries need to focus on. The long border dividing the neighbours has been a source of tension for generations and remains so today as old grudges and prejudices remain.

In spite of the sweet handshake and exchange of smiles in Bangkok, historical pressures remain between the two nations.

Myanmar's sacking of the Siamese capital Ayutthaya in 1767 is still taught in Thai schools, and the Myanmar people are still portrayed as bad neighbours and socially inferior in Thai dramas and soap operas. There is no shortage of news on the ill treatment and exploitation of Myanmar migrant workers in Thailand.

Conversely, the Myanmar people also remain distrustful of Thais. In the past, Thailand was accused of harbouring dissidents and rebels to stage attacks on Myanmar, and in return the Thais accused Myanmar of flooding it with speed pills and heroin.

Amid this quarrelling, Myanmar ethnic minority insurgents operate in border jungles and around 2 million migrant workers from Myanmar are currently employed in Thailand. Myanmar refugees who fled civil wars live in the camps on Thai soil which Mrs Suu Kyi visited last June, and Myanmar's political exiles still search for a safe haven in Thailand.

The flow of drugs and the other illegal activities of armed groups including human smuggling remain a major source of concern.

Recently, 92 Thai citizens were detained in southern Myanmar after they were accused of sneaking across the border. Myanmar security forces seized timber-cutting machinery, bulldozers and trucks allegedly being used for illegal logging.

Indeed, the more than 2,400km border remains a source of tension. When relations reached a low ebb in the early 2000s, serious skirmishes broke out and the two countries engaged in a war of both words and rockets.

Both fired mortars into the other's border towns and military encampments, while the Myanmar government published several articles openly attacking prominent figures in Thailand. It added further fuel to the fire by introducing a new history textbook for fourth graders that portrayed Myanmar's eastern neighbours as servile and lazy, and the Thais returned the favour by routinely discriminating against Myanmar migrant workers inside Thailand.

Now, by contrast, Thais respect the names Mrs Suu Kyi and Thein Sein and, of course, relish doing business in resource-rich Myanmar. It is hoped that Thailand's attitude toward Myanmar will eventually change, and the Myanmar will begin to understand how to co-exist with a neighbour.

As of now, deep-seated mistrust and uneasy feelings remain. But if Myanmar continues to open up and prosper there can be a new-found friendship between the two nations and a new dimension to Thai-Myanmar relations will develop. Yet this remains hard to foretell at this stage.

Lastly, one should not overlook ethnic groups, many of whom are currently involved in peace talks with Nay Pyi Taw, who also play a crucial role in the borderlands. They will not take kindly to being a pawn in these new business deals inked between governments.

Karen, Shan, Karenni and Mon leaders remain sceptical of Myanmar's overtures. They will undoubtedly be wary over increased business relations between Thailand and Myanmar. The question remains _ who will suffer from these megaprojects in ethnic regions? And similarly, who stands to profit?

Several bilateral projects including power plants, hydropower dams and the opening of more border checkpoints will directly involve ethnic regions. These schemes require the restoration of stability and peace. More importantly, the people who live there must see a fair share of the benefits.

http://www.bangkokpost.com

New Role for Americans to Promote Human Rights in Burma

On Wednesday, President Obama lifted the ban on U.S. investment in Burma without putting any safeguards in place. President Obama ignored the advice of the human rights community, who implored his Administration to ensure only responsible investment was permitted and human rights were respected. For the first time since 1997, U.S companies will now be allowed to do business in Burma, including with Burmese government owned businesses, an actual requirement all foreign companies are subjected to by the Burmese government.

What this means for human rights in Burma and your role in promoting human rights and democracy for the people of Burma.

A) Sanctions against the Burmese regime and its cronies are leverage to push for democracy and human rights. By lifting the investment ban, the United States loses leverage to bring about more reform, while the people of Burma are still suffering human rights abuses and mass atrocities at the hands of the Burmese regime. There is now only one sanction left–the import ban–which must be renewed by Congress before the end of July. Call your Senators to support the renewal of the import ban.

Burma’s military still commits heinous human rights abuses against Burma’s ethnic civilians, particularly in Kachin State, where their military won't allow international humanitarian aid into the region. The Burmese regime refuses to admit there are still hundreds of political prisoners behind bars. In an extremely worrying move, President Thein Sein told the UN on Wednesday, he wants the Rohingya put in camps or deported, a request the UN immediately refused. Something must be done to end these abuses!

We must send a strong signal that real reform respects human rights, not profits. The Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act is the ONLY influence the United States has left to pressure the Burmese regime to move forward with genuine democratic change.

B) Investment without safeguards will contribute to human rights abuses and profits for the Burmese military.  More and more farms have been confiscated and some farmers have been arrested for refusing to leave their land. In addition to the most egregious human rights abuses in conflict zones, throughout the country the regime carries out forced labor, forced relocation, extortion, land confiscation and burning of civilians’ crops and farms, some of it in the name of making way for foreign investment. American Oil and Gas companies are now allowed to partner with the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), a Burmese government company who generates billions of dollars in profits for the Burmese military. The money our corporations will invest can fuel this murderous machine. For a more detailed explanation of the dangers of investment without safeguards, check out our blog, the LA Times and IPS. 

In the months ahead, as American companies enter Burma, we will need our supporters, like you, to help ensure their activities and investments do not involve land confiscation, human rights abuses and money to those who obstruct political reform and commit human rights abuses.

The people of Burma will need our help—will you speak out to for the people of Burma? Right now, you have the power to keep the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act (S.J.RES 43) in place by calling your Senators to cosponsor the bill, but time is running out. The bill expires in less than 3 weeks, you have to call your Senators now!

Click here for calling instruction, congressional scorecards to check where your Senators stand and the background of the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act.

Thank you for speaking out for the people of Burma.

Myra and USCB team

Australia rescues 123 refugees from capsized vessel

At least 123 people were rescued on Wednesday after a boat carrying asylum seekers capsized some 100 nautical miles north of Australia's Christmas Island. Up to 90 people died last week when another vessel went down in the same area.

By News Wires (text)

 

AFP - Rescuers plucked 123 people from the ocean Wednesday after an asylum-seeker boat sank en route to Australia, barely a week after another vessel went down in the same area, killing up to 90.
The rickety ship capsized 107 nautical miles north of Christmas Island in the Indian Ocean and then sank, an Australian Maritime Safety Authority spokeswoman said.
Prime Minister Julia Gillard said between 123 and 133 people were on board, revised down from earlier estimates of 150.
"As we speak my best advice is that 123 people have been rescued," she told parliament as the pressure was turned up on Australian politicians to break their deadlock on how to deal with the arrival of asylum-seekers.
The incident comes just days after another boat with around 200 people on board went down in the Indian Ocean as it made its way to Australia.
Rescuers managed to save 110 people and 17 bodies were recovered from Thursday's capsize, but no other survivors have been found.
Three merchant vessels, including the MV Bison Express, a Philippines-flagged livestock carrier, were on the scene of Wednesday's disaster, which happened in Indonesian waters.
AMSA said two Australian navy ships and a spotter aircraft capable of dropping liferaft were also helping with the rescue effort in conditions described as "fair, not ideal".
In a statement, Australian Customs and Border Protection said police received a satellite phone call early Wednesday from the vessel.
AMSA "initiated an immediate response to the report and continues to coordinate the search and rescue effort".
Details were passed to the Indonesian search and rescue authority Basarnas, which said it received a report that the generator was broken and the boat was taking on water.
A photo from the MV Bison posted on the AMSA website showed a small, basic-looking boat crowded with people on its decks, apparently taken before it capsized.
The Australian Broadcasting Corporation said most of the passengers were believed to be Afghans and there were women and children on board, though this could not be confirmed.
The accident is the latest in a series of refugee boat disasters in recent years, as unseaworthy, overloaded vessels packed with desperate migrants struggle to reach Australia.
Most boats originate in Indonesia, but there has been a recent spike in attempts from Sri Lanka.
Though they come in relatively small numbers by global standards, asylum-seekers are a sensitive political issue in Australia, dominating 2010 elections due to a record 6,555 arrivals.
Both sides of Australian politics support offshore processing of asylum-seekers but differ on where it should be conducted.
Canberra clinched a deal last year to send 800 boatpeople to Malaysia in exchange for 4,000 of that country's registered refugees in a bid to deter people-smugglers from the dangerous maritime voyage to Australia.
But Gillard's fragile coalition government was unable to pass the required legislation through parliament without the support of the opposition, amid concerns Malaysia was not a signatory to UN refugee conventions.
Opposition leader Tony Abbott, who supports processing on the Pacific island of Nauru and turning boats back when possible, again ruled out the Malaysian solution Wednesday.
In response, Gillard pushed for a private members bill by independent MP Rob Oakeshott which would allow an immigration minister to designate any nation as an "offshore assessment country" if it was party to the Bali Process.
The Bali Process is a regional cooperative framework for dealing with asylum-seekers involving more than 40 countries.
Gillard offered, as a gesture of compromise, to re-open a detention centre on Nauru while pressing ahead with her Malaysia deal if the opposition agreed to vote for the Oakeshott bill.

Source : http://www.france24.com