Much fanfare greeted the arrival at Narita in
 September 2010 of the first Burmese refugees to take advantage of 
Japan's decision to join the U.N.'s third-country resettlement program. 
Japan was the first Asian country to join the program, it was 
emphasized, under which the country would take in "less than 100" 
refugees from camps along the Thai-Myanmar border each year. Some 
refugee advocates even dared to believe that the move might mark the 
start of a trend toward a more humanitarian approach to applications for
 refugee status by those fleeing conflict or poverty.
  | 
| Yokoso Japan: Ethnic Karen refugees from 
the Mae La camp rest at a facility run by the International Organization
 for Migration in Mae Sot, northwestern Thailand, in September 2010 
ahead of their departure for Japan.
 KYODO | 
Since then, however, the resettlement program has
 been widely criticized as ill-thought-out, half-hearted and even 
exploitative. After accepting an initial 30 ethnic Karen refugees from 
the Mae La camp in 2010 and another 17 in 2011, reports suggest the 
program is struggling to find families eager to relocate to Japan in the
 wake of all the bad press. Despite these teething troubles, the 
government announced in March it was extending the program for another 
three years.
At the beginning of the three-year pilot 
program, five families were brought over to Japan. After a six-month 
language and survival course, they were distributed between Chiba and 
Mie prefectures. Though living conditions were slightly better in Mie, 
all the families faced a number of problems.
The Japan Times recently talked to Myo Myint Swe,
 a Burmese refugee who has been closely following this issue. A 20-year 
resident of Japan, Myo is a graduate student at Tokyo University, where 
he is writing a thesis on the democratization movement in Myanmar and 
the relationship between the refugee community in Japan and their home 
country.
According to Myo, many of the problems the 
refugees have faced in Japan have their roots in a lack of communication
 and restrictions on the refugees' access to information.
"The two families living in Chiba, for instance, 
were assigned to work on a farm," he said. "At first they worked eight 
hours a day, five days a week, but after a while working hours became 
longer and longer, and they were forced to work on Saturdays as well, 
without anyone explaining the reason for this. Obviously they were upset
 by the situation, especially considering that their ¥120,000 monthly 
salary wasn't raised accordingly."
Apparently nobody explained how to do things properly, and they were scolded for doing things wrong.
"These people have lived for 10 to 20 years in 
refugee camps where they were never engaged in hard work," Myo said. 
"Suddenly they were relocated to a completely alien environment, and 
were asked to work long hours on a demanding, sometimes dangerous job. 
No wonder they did not react well to the situation."
Hiroka Shoji, Amnesty International Japan's 
refugee officer, pointed out some of the practical problems these people
 had to deal with on a daily basis. "These families settled in a very 
isolated area, quite far from many public services," she said. "The 
nearest kindergarten, for example, was one hour away. This was a 
considerable problem as the children's mothers were working in the 
fields too.
"The older child (of one family) began attending a
 night junior high school, but the round trip took about 2½ hours. So 
eventually he stopped going. In the end, the whole thing caused a lot of
 physical and mental stress. The refugee families keep living in a state
 of uncertainty and anxiety, and don't have a clear vision of their 
future life in Japan. Nobody even tells them what happens after the 
six-month training program is over."
For some reason, the semigovernmental Refugee
 Assistance Headquarters (RHQ), which has been managing the program, 
tried from the start to keep these people isolated from both the larger 
Burmese community in Japan and local people. When asked to comment on 
allegations leveled in this article at the resettlement program, RHQ 
said they were not allowed to discuss such matters before first 
consulting the Foreign Ministry, which is in charge of the program.
The Japan Times also tried to speak to some of 
the refugees but was told by the NGOs working on their behalf that they 
wanted to avoid further problems with the Japanese bureaucracy.
According to Myo, the first newcomers were 
urged not to get a telephone, a fax machine or an Internet connection. 
"RHQ failed to understand what the real needs of the refugees were."
In other countries that run the same program, 
refugees who have already settled down are involved in actively 
supporting the new arrivals. This contributes to a higher success rate.
"Currently the Burmese community in Japan 
numbers around 20,000 people, about half of them refugees. So it 
wouldn't be a problem to find volunteers," explained Myo. "And yet, the 
authorities don't understand how important it is to get help and advice 
from a support group. As things are now, I believe they should 
reconsider the whole support system."
However, the Foreign Ministry said that it had 
found some contradictions in the refugees' claims of wrongdoing. In 
particular, a spokesperson said that an investigation had revealed that 
RHQ had actually encouraged the families to set up Internet accounts in 
order to cut down on phone bills.
The resettlement plan debacle is even more 
puzzling considering the work the authorities apparently put into the 
project before the first arrivals.
"The government actually sent a study group to 
Europe in order to learn from their experience," said Shogo Watanabe, 
secretary general of the Japan Lawyers Network for Refugees, who also 
represents one of the families in Chiba. "Apparently they failed to 
follow their example."
Watanabe believes the government should be doing more to spread the word about the refugee issue.
"What is the ultimate purpose of this program? 
Why has this country joined the resettlement program? The authorities 
owe these answers to the Japanese people. Yet these questions remain 
largely unanswered.
"Without a clear explanation to the very 
people who are supposed to welcome the refugees, this project is bound 
to run into very big problems. You must convince everybody — both the 
refugees and the Japanese — that this is a win-win situation in which 
both sides are going to gain something," Watanabe said.
Another big problem has been the top-down system through which the refugee policy has been implemented.
"There are no concerted efforts to work in 
collaboration with the local governments, the NGOs, citizen's groups, 
scholars — and the refugees themselves," Watanabe added. "As long as RHQ
 keeps saying that the main problem is the refugees' negative attitude, I
 don't see a bright future for the program."
Myo believes that the single most important 
issue is communication. "The authorities should make sure that the 
refugees really learn Japanese, as this problem has negative effects on 
everyday life. Every piece of information they get is in Japanese. They 
can't understand the gas or electricity bills they get in the mail, or 
how the national health system works. In this respect, a single 
six-month language course is absolutely insufficient.
"For people who are relocated to an 
English-speaking country, that could be enough, because many people have
 at least a basic knowledge of the English language, but for someone who
 has to learn Japanese from scratch, I believe that two years are 
necessary if you want these people to become self-sufficient."
At the same time, Myo is opposed to complete 
assimilation. "Especially when you consider the children, they are going
 to forget their mother tongue and drift away from their roots. On the 
contrary, I think that one of the goals of the resettlement program 
should be to turn the youngsters into the seeds of a future 
intercultural society who are able to bridge the gap between Japan and 
other countries and cultures. In order to do this, the newcomers must be
 allowed to keep strong ties with the older refugee community."
Lessons have been learned from the problems 
in the program's first year. The two families who had originally been 
posted to Chiba were moved to Tokyo because of the myriad logistical and
 practical obstacles they had faced. Now they are employed in cleaning 
jobs. The families who came the second year were based in Tokyo from the
 start. All the children are attending school, despite the fact that 
education is not compulsory for the children of foreigners under 
Japanese law.
Activists in both countries and Japanese NGOs
 who have joined to form the Forum for Refugees Japan are carefully 
studying the new political situation in Myanmar to see how it may affect
 the refugees' attitude towards resettlement. The April 1 by-elections, 
which resulted in a landslide victory for Aung San Suu Kyi and her 
National League for Democracy, have created high expectations among many
 refugees, who are also excited by the economic reforms the government 
has been recently enacting and are now keen to return to their country.
"The big problem are the ethnic minorities 
who have lost everything — their land, their house," explained Myo. "The
 younger generations in particular don't want to go back to Myanmar. 
Some of them weren't even born there, and the rest have too many bad 
memories."
Myo, however, whose mother is ethnic Karen 
and father belongs to Myanmar's Indian community, is looking forward to 
returning to Myanmar (or Burma, as he still calls it). "I want to help 
my country's economic progress as a consultant. I'm particularly 
thinking about using my knowledge of Japan and the language to help 
Japanese enterprises to develop mutually fruitful relations with local 
companies. It's a great opportunity."
This newfound hope for the future of their 
homeland, coupled with disillusionment with the resettlement program, 
may be behind the recently reported drop in interest among refugees for 
resettlement in Japan. By February, only two families — a total of 10 
people — had agreed to take part in the resettlement program this year, 
according to Amnesty's Shoji. The government recently extended the 
program to two more refugee camps on the Thai-Myanmar border.
"I heard from people who are working at the 
refugee camps in Thailand that the Japanese government is showing 
'promotion videos' which depict Japan as a safe country where people can
 easily resettle with few problems," Shoji said. "This makes me wonder 
how bad Japan's image is among the refugee community."
Even if RHQ can fill the quota of 30 refugees
 this year, this figure pales into insignificance when compared with 
other countries' commitments under the U.N. program. In 2007 alone, 14 
countries accepted a total of 75,000 refugees under the same program, 
with even Iceland — with a population of 300,000, hundreds of times 
smaller than Japan's 127 million — accepting 30 Palestinian refugees a 
year.
Although refugee advocates have welcomed 
Japan's commitment to continue with the resettlement program, there are 
no signs yet that it has affected Japan's infamously low intake of 
asylum-seekers. In fact, of a record-high 1,867 applications for refugee
 status in Japan in 2011, only 21 were approved — down from a paltry 39 a
 year earlier.