Much fanfare greeted the arrival at Narita in
September 2010 of the first Burmese refugees to take advantage of
Japan's decision to join the U.N.'s third-country resettlement program.
Japan was the first Asian country to join the program, it was
emphasized, under which the country would take in "less than 100"
refugees from camps along the Thai-Myanmar border each year. Some
refugee advocates even dared to believe that the move might mark the
start of a trend toward a more humanitarian approach to applications for
refugee status by those fleeing conflict or poverty.
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Yokoso Japan: Ethnic Karen refugees from
the Mae La camp rest at a facility run by the International Organization
for Migration in Mae Sot, northwestern Thailand, in September 2010
ahead of their departure for Japan.
KYODO |
Since then, however, the resettlement program has
been widely criticized as ill-thought-out, half-hearted and even
exploitative. After accepting an initial 30 ethnic Karen refugees from
the Mae La camp in 2010 and another 17 in 2011, reports suggest the
program is struggling to find families eager to relocate to Japan in the
wake of all the bad press. Despite these teething troubles, the
government announced in March it was extending the program for another
three years.
At the beginning of the three-year pilot
program, five families were brought over to Japan. After a six-month
language and survival course, they were distributed between Chiba and
Mie prefectures. Though living conditions were slightly better in Mie,
all the families faced a number of problems.
The Japan Times recently talked to Myo Myint Swe,
a Burmese refugee who has been closely following this issue. A 20-year
resident of Japan, Myo is a graduate student at Tokyo University, where
he is writing a thesis on the democratization movement in Myanmar and
the relationship between the refugee community in Japan and their home
country.
According to Myo, many of the problems the
refugees have faced in Japan have their roots in a lack of communication
and restrictions on the refugees' access to information.
"The two families living in Chiba, for instance,
were assigned to work on a farm," he said. "At first they worked eight
hours a day, five days a week, but after a while working hours became
longer and longer, and they were forced to work on Saturdays as well,
without anyone explaining the reason for this. Obviously they were upset
by the situation, especially considering that their ¥120,000 monthly
salary wasn't raised accordingly."
Apparently nobody explained how to do things properly, and they were scolded for doing things wrong.
"These people have lived for 10 to 20 years in
refugee camps where they were never engaged in hard work," Myo said.
"Suddenly they were relocated to a completely alien environment, and
were asked to work long hours on a demanding, sometimes dangerous job.
No wonder they did not react well to the situation."
Hiroka Shoji, Amnesty International Japan's
refugee officer, pointed out some of the practical problems these people
had to deal with on a daily basis. "These families settled in a very
isolated area, quite far from many public services," she said. "The
nearest kindergarten, for example, was one hour away. This was a
considerable problem as the children's mothers were working in the
fields too.
"The older child (of one family) began attending a
night junior high school, but the round trip took about 2½ hours. So
eventually he stopped going. In the end, the whole thing caused a lot of
physical and mental stress. The refugee families keep living in a state
of uncertainty and anxiety, and don't have a clear vision of their
future life in Japan. Nobody even tells them what happens after the
six-month training program is over."
For some reason, the semigovernmental Refugee
Assistance Headquarters (RHQ), which has been managing the program,
tried from the start to keep these people isolated from both the larger
Burmese community in Japan and local people. When asked to comment on
allegations leveled in this article at the resettlement program, RHQ
said they were not allowed to discuss such matters before first
consulting the Foreign Ministry, which is in charge of the program.
The Japan Times also tried to speak to some of
the refugees but was told by the NGOs working on their behalf that they
wanted to avoid further problems with the Japanese bureaucracy.
According to Myo, the first newcomers were
urged not to get a telephone, a fax machine or an Internet connection.
"RHQ failed to understand what the real needs of the refugees were."
In other countries that run the same program,
refugees who have already settled down are involved in actively
supporting the new arrivals. This contributes to a higher success rate.
"Currently the Burmese community in Japan
numbers around 20,000 people, about half of them refugees. So it
wouldn't be a problem to find volunteers," explained Myo. "And yet, the
authorities don't understand how important it is to get help and advice
from a support group. As things are now, I believe they should
reconsider the whole support system."
However, the Foreign Ministry said that it had
found some contradictions in the refugees' claims of wrongdoing. In
particular, a spokesperson said that an investigation had revealed that
RHQ had actually encouraged the families to set up Internet accounts in
order to cut down on phone bills.
The resettlement plan debacle is even more
puzzling considering the work the authorities apparently put into the
project before the first arrivals.
"The government actually sent a study group to
Europe in order to learn from their experience," said Shogo Watanabe,
secretary general of the Japan Lawyers Network for Refugees, who also
represents one of the families in Chiba. "Apparently they failed to
follow their example."
Watanabe believes the government should be doing more to spread the word about the refugee issue.
"What is the ultimate purpose of this program?
Why has this country joined the resettlement program? The authorities
owe these answers to the Japanese people. Yet these questions remain
largely unanswered.
"Without a clear explanation to the very
people who are supposed to welcome the refugees, this project is bound
to run into very big problems. You must convince everybody — both the
refugees and the Japanese — that this is a win-win situation in which
both sides are going to gain something," Watanabe said.
Another big problem has been the top-down system through which the refugee policy has been implemented.
"There are no concerted efforts to work in
collaboration with the local governments, the NGOs, citizen's groups,
scholars — and the refugees themselves," Watanabe added. "As long as RHQ
keeps saying that the main problem is the refugees' negative attitude, I
don't see a bright future for the program."
Myo believes that the single most important
issue is communication. "The authorities should make sure that the
refugees really learn Japanese, as this problem has negative effects on
everyday life. Every piece of information they get is in Japanese. They
can't understand the gas or electricity bills they get in the mail, or
how the national health system works. In this respect, a single
six-month language course is absolutely insufficient.
"For people who are relocated to an
English-speaking country, that could be enough, because many people have
at least a basic knowledge of the English language, but for someone who
has to learn Japanese from scratch, I believe that two years are
necessary if you want these people to become self-sufficient."
At the same time, Myo is opposed to complete
assimilation. "Especially when you consider the children, they are going
to forget their mother tongue and drift away from their roots. On the
contrary, I think that one of the goals of the resettlement program
should be to turn the youngsters into the seeds of a future
intercultural society who are able to bridge the gap between Japan and
other countries and cultures. In order to do this, the newcomers must be
allowed to keep strong ties with the older refugee community."
Lessons have been learned from the problems
in the program's first year. The two families who had originally been
posted to Chiba were moved to Tokyo because of the myriad logistical and
practical obstacles they had faced. Now they are employed in cleaning
jobs. The families who came the second year were based in Tokyo from the
start. All the children are attending school, despite the fact that
education is not compulsory for the children of foreigners under
Japanese law.
Activists in both countries and Japanese NGOs
who have joined to form the Forum for Refugees Japan are carefully
studying the new political situation in Myanmar to see how it may affect
the refugees' attitude towards resettlement. The April 1 by-elections,
which resulted in a landslide victory for Aung San Suu Kyi and her
National League for Democracy, have created high expectations among many
refugees, who are also excited by the economic reforms the government
has been recently enacting and are now keen to return to their country.
"The big problem are the ethnic minorities
who have lost everything — their land, their house," explained Myo. "The
younger generations in particular don't want to go back to Myanmar.
Some of them weren't even born there, and the rest have too many bad
memories."
Myo, however, whose mother is ethnic Karen
and father belongs to Myanmar's Indian community, is looking forward to
returning to Myanmar (or Burma, as he still calls it). "I want to help
my country's economic progress as a consultant. I'm particularly
thinking about using my knowledge of Japan and the language to help
Japanese enterprises to develop mutually fruitful relations with local
companies. It's a great opportunity."
This newfound hope for the future of their
homeland, coupled with disillusionment with the resettlement program,
may be behind the recently reported drop in interest among refugees for
resettlement in Japan. By February, only two families — a total of 10
people — had agreed to take part in the resettlement program this year,
according to Amnesty's Shoji. The government recently extended the
program to two more refugee camps on the Thai-Myanmar border.
"I heard from people who are working at the
refugee camps in Thailand that the Japanese government is showing
'promotion videos' which depict Japan as a safe country where people can
easily resettle with few problems," Shoji said. "This makes me wonder
how bad Japan's image is among the refugee community."
Even if RHQ can fill the quota of 30 refugees
this year, this figure pales into insignificance when compared with
other countries' commitments under the U.N. program. In 2007 alone, 14
countries accepted a total of 75,000 refugees under the same program,
with even Iceland — with a population of 300,000, hundreds of times
smaller than Japan's 127 million — accepting 30 Palestinian refugees a
year.
Although refugee advocates have welcomed
Japan's commitment to continue with the resettlement program, there are
no signs yet that it has affected Japan's infamously low intake of
asylum-seekers. In fact, of a record-high 1,867 applications for refugee
status in Japan in 2011, only 21 were approved — down from a paltry 39 a
year earlier.