Ethnic Shan refugees living by the mountainous Burmese border in
northern Thailand have expressed relief that a controversial
Norwegian-backed repatriation proposal has been shelved.
Sprawling Koung Jor camp is home to 136 families in northeast Chiang
Mai Province and was earmarked for a pilot return project orchestrated
by the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC). But a group of Shan
community-based organizations (CBOs) issued a joint statement on Aug. 27
complaining about a house-to-house survey and the scheme was suspended.
However, many vulnerable people in the camps remain confused as
officials have since insisted that the Norwegian-backed Myanmar Peace
Support Initiative (MPSI), run in conjunction with the NRC, never
intended to do any work with refugees.
Katja Christina Nordgaard, the Norwegian ambassador to Thailand, Cambodia and Burma, told The Irrawaddy last week that the idea of refugee repatriation was not even under consideration.
“The repatriation of refugees is absolutely not on the agenda,” she
said. “It is a difficult issue that has to be handled in quite a
different context and with other actors, of course. But that was not
about refugees at all. MPSI is not about the returning of refugees. This
is very important as that would be a misunderstanding.”
However, Chris Bleers, Burma country director for the NRC, confirmed to The Irrawaddy
via email that the planned survey of the refugee population in Koung
Jor was postponed last month but declined to provide any further
details—still denying that a return of refugees was on the cards.
“NRC is currently in a very early stage of a process that eventually
will lead to a decision as to whether or not we are going to start up
program activities among Shan IDP communities who live within the
sovereign boundaries of Myanmar,” he said.
“However, further to the idea of a survey of the displaced population
residing in Koung Jor camp mentioned in your questions, it was
postponed as of the Aug. 24 in a communication to the camp leader, Sai
Leng, and has not been conducted.”
Despite the repeated denials, Shan sources insist that they had to
strongly object to any survey of refugees and repatriation was being
suggested.
Sai Leng, the head of Koung Jor, told The Irrawaddy on
Tuesday that he tried to discourage a scheme to return 80 refugee
families with relatives linked to the ethnic rebel Shan State Army-South
(SSA-South) to Mong Hta, an almost deserted village around 20 km across
the border.
“[The NRC] came one time in June or July and I explained that we
couldn’t go in this type of situation to Shan State in Burma,” said the
60-year-old. “[Chris Bleers] said he would want to start a pilot project
with some of the families from the Shan State Army-South as he is
friendly with [SSA-South chief] General Yawd Serk.
“But I gave him some of my experience about finding a market for
their products because every family grows rice. And so if they can’t
sell then maybe these people will grow opium around the mountains and
after some years they might start to use opium themselves.
“I explained why people in Shan State like to grow opium for [ease
of] transportation—in some cases there are no roads and so it’s easier
for them to grow opium. And when there is fighting they can carry the
opium very easily and a small amount can mean a lot of money—for food,
cooking oil or medicine.”
Mong Hta was apparently designated as a resettlement site during
peace negotiations between the SSA-South and Burmese government. Yet
there have been ongoing skirmishes, including in Mong Hta, between rebel
and government troops since an initial ceasefire was signed last
December.
Aung Min, a minister in the President’s Office and Naypyidaw’s chief
peace negotiator, promised the sub-townships of Ho Mong and Mong Hta,
bordering Thailand’s Mae Hong Son and Chiang Mai provinces, to the SSA-S
during peace talks but more than 40 Burmese military camps remain in
these areas, according to Shan sources.
Ongoing human rights abuses, a lack of sustainable crop alternatives
to the poppy and a proliferation of landmines also make the situation on
the ground perilous.
“The refugees must not be used as guinea-pigs to test out the peace
process,” said Sai Khur Hseng, of the Shan Sapawa Environmental
Organization. “Instead of putting pressure on the refugees,
international donors should pressure the Burmese government to negotiate
a just and lasting peace.”
The ethnic Shan occupy a legal grey area as they cannot be granted
refugee status in Thailand, contrasting with more than 100,000 ethnic
Karen farther south who are eligible to be refugees. This means Koung
Jor residents must instead apply for migrant worker status to officially
remain in the country, find illegal employment as day laborers or rely
on internal manufacturing projects set up by NGOs such as The Branch
Foundation.
A statement on the Norwegian Embassy’s website published on Sept. 2
following a meeting of the MPSI, NRC, SSA-South and Shan Relief and
Development Committee in Chiang Mai responded to the concerns of local
CBOs by denying that refugees were ever targeted for resettlement.
Ashley South, a Burma analyst working as a consultant for the MPSI,
spends around a third of his time inside Burma working with a variety of
groups.
“To make it very, very clear we have absolutely no intention in doing anything with refugees,” he told The Irrawaddy.
“It is very clearly not the right time for refugees to be repatriated.
There are not the right conditions for refugees to return to Burma in
safety and dignity and it’s not our business—MPSI is working inside the
country with IDPs and other agents.”
The MPSI aims to facilitate talks between the government and armed
ethnic groups through funding for consultations with local communities,
needs assessments and the establishment of liaison offices near conflict
zones.
“We have a number of projects now up and running in different ethnic
centers of Burma,” added South. We are doing three different types of
projects—the first one is support for the liaison offices which are set
up under agreements with the government and the non-state armed groups;
the second is community-based monitoring of the peace process and also
consultations between the different armed groups and ethnic communities;
and the third is needs assessments which are implemented by local
organizations.”
Initial criticism of the initiative was sparked by perceptions that
funds would be diverted from aid groups that assist vulnerable
populations inside Thailand—an allegation strongly denied by Norwegian
officials.
“There’s a lot of misinformation around but it’s important to try and
actually look at what’s going on and it’s never been about kicking
anyone out and we are still supporting the camps and everything,” said
Ambassador Nordgaard.
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